Role play on Elconin in children's psychology. Cheat Sheet: D.B. Elkonin. Psychology of the game. Comprehensive characteristic of the development of the game

Stages of the development of the game.

The game is a leading activity of a child of preschool age. Children's game - a historically developing type of activity, which is reproduced by the children's activities of adults and relations between them in a particular conditional form. The game, by definition of A. I. Leontiev, is the leading activity of a child preschooler, that is, such activities, due to the development of which the main changes in the psyche of the child occur and within which mental processes are developing, preparing the transition of a child to a new stage of its development.

The central issue of the theory of children's game is the question of its historical origin. D. B. Elkonin in his studies showed that the game, and above all the game role-playing, arises in the course of the historical development of society as a result of changing the place of the child in the system of public relations. The occurrence of the game occurs as a result of the appearance of complex forms of division of labor and is due to the impossibility of incorporating the child into a productive work. With the emergence of the role-playing game begins the new, pre-school period in the development of the child. In the domestic science the theory of the game in the aspect of clarifying its social nature, the internal structure and importance for the development of the child, the game is the most important source of development of the child's consciousness, the arbitrariness of his behavior, a special form of modeling the relationship between adults recorded in the rules of certain roles. Taking on the fulfillment of a role or another, the child is guided by its rules, subordinates the fulfillment of these rules its impulsive behavior. Motivation of the game lies in the process of performing this activity. The main unit of the game is a role. In addition to the role in the structure of the game, a game action is included (action on the role), game use of objects (substitution), relationships between children. The game also highlights the plot and content. As a plot, the scope of activity that the child reproduces in the game. The contents are reproduced by the child in the game relationship between adults. The game is usually group character. A group of playing children speaks towards each individual participant as the organizing principle, authorizing and supporting the fulfillment of a child with a child.

Development of I-Concept in Preschool Age

The feeling of adulthood becomes the central neoplasm of the younger adolescence, and by the end of the period, about 15 years old, the teenager takes another step in the development of his self-awareness. After searching for itself, his personal instability is formed by "I-Concept" - a system of internally agreed ideas about itself (the theory of own "I"), "I" images. At the same time, it may not coincide with the real "I". It is necessary to remember how childhood identity developed. By 3 years, a purely emotional, overestimated self-esteem appeared. Later, in preschool age, the rational components of self-esteem arise, the awareness of some of their qualities and behaviors consistent with the requirements of adults. Despite this, preschoolers are judged superficially and optimistic. If they are asked to describe themselves, they will make it mainly from an external point of view, noting such features like hair color, growth, favorite classes. Junior schoolchildren self-esteem becomes more adequate and differentiated. They distinguish their physical and spiritual qualities, evaluate their abilities, compare themselves with others: "I better ride a bike than my brother," "This is not worth it to me five. And this will only make a twice, or even on count. She "peasants"

By the end of the younger school age, children, characterizing themselves, increasingly describe the typical behavior for them, refer to their thoughts and feelings. This is what the student of the 4th grade talks about himself: "I have a weak character when I was small, even when I went to the garden in the first class, others beat me, and I did not give them, only a cry and even a teacher did not complain . Then I learned to defend myself. My dad taught to play in boxing. Now I do not beat me, but the athlete I am bad. I need to tempt, become strong. But I do not charge charging. I'm going to all and in no way will not start. " Since in adolescence, the transition from childhood to maturity, its study, on the one hand, allows to trace the typical features of a person who goes beyond the childhood, and on the other - retrospectively consider the flow of their own childhood. In other words, the knowledge of the sources, conditions, development mechanisms in the adolescence gives the key to the disclosure of the laws of ontogenetic development as a whole. It is not by chance that the study of adolescent age is associated with a whole range of problems of different levels, character and content.

Schiller: The game is a pleasure associated with free from external. Potter manifestation of excess of vitality.

Spencer: game - artificial exercise; The game find the expression of lower arms, and in aesthetic. Deat - higher.

WEDDT: The game is a child of labor, in the game everything has a prototype in the form of serious labor, always preceding it and in time and by the very creature.

Elkonin: Human. Game - Master, in the cat. Socially recreated. Robility between people outside the conditions of the utilitarian deeds.

When describing children. Psychologists have specially highlighted the work of imagination, fantasies.

J. Selley: Children's essence. Games to make a role in performing any role.

Elkonin: It is the role that associated with it and make up a unit of the game.

Game Structure:

gaming actions wearing generalized and abbreviated Har-R

gaming items

real. Robility between playing children

What is generalized and abbreviated game actions, the deeper is reflected in the game the meaning, the task and system of the relaxation of adults is reflected in the game; The more specifically, the gaming actions are expanded, the more the specifically-subject content is recreated by the deat.

On the plots of games, the decisive influence of the surrounding child is the action of the child, social. Silm of life.

The game is especially sensitive to the sphere of human. Deat, Labor and Person-th between people (the railway was played only after they showed a concrete. Corresponding-I, actions).

About historical. originated and role-playing game.

Plekhanov:

in the history of human common work older game

the game emerged, in response to the football, in the cat. Children and asset live. Cat members. They must become

improve. Resistance children. toys (the same in different people)

the toys are primitive. Generally in and recent historic. The past is essentially the same - the toy answers some kind of unchanged. nature. Practicity of the child and not in connection with the life of society (contradicts Plekhanov); But Arkin says not about everyone, but only initial toys: sound (rattles), motors (ball, snake, top), weapons (onions, arrows, boomerangs), shaped (depicting belly, dolls), rope (from It makes figures).

Elkonin: These toys are not initiated, and also arose on the best. The stages of the development of the general, they were preceded by the invention of the person-com. Labor instruments (N., friction fire, friction will ensure rotation, hence the rotational toys, Kubari, etc.)

The initial unity of labor deet and education. Education in the primitive. Logo-Wah:

equal education of all children

the child should be able to do everything that adults do

the short-term education period

light. participation of children in the life of adults

early inclusion in labor (!!!)

where the child m / work with adults immediately, there are no games, and where you need before. Preparation - there.

there is no sharp face between adults and children

children early become truly independent

children play little, games - not role-playing (!!!)

if this work is important, but still unavailable for a child, a reduced guns are used to master the instruments of labor, with a cat. Children exercise in the SL-X, close to the real, but not identical to them (the extreme north - the knife is important, turning to it from early childhood; throw the rope on the pennies, then on the dog, then on the beast); HR. There is an element of a gaming situation (the situation situation: Poek is not a deer; acting with a reduced subject, the child acts as a father, i.e. element of the role-playing game)

identity of children and adult games - sports moving games

there are imitative games (imitation wedding, etc.), but no imitation of the work of adults, but there are games, in the cat. Reproducible situation of life, cat. still not available for children

Complication of work instruments - the child is not m / mastering reduced forms (reduce the gun - it does not shoot) - the appeared toy, as an object, only depicting the tools of labor.

The role-playing game appeared during the Eastor. Development in resorts of the child's place in the system of societies. Person-th, socially by origin.

Theory of the game.

Gros exercise theory:

Each. A living creature has inherited predispositions, which give the feasibility of its behavish (at the highest. Belly-X is impulse. The desire for children-teat).

Higher. The living beings of the inborn reactions of the Yavl-Xia are insufficient to perform complex. life Tasks.

In life each. Higher. Creatures are childhood, i.e. Period of development and growth, parental care.

The purpose of childhood is the acquisition of devices, neglected for life, but not developing directly from inborn reactions.

The desire to imitate the elder.

Where the individual is ins. Matches and without external. Target shows, strengthens and develops its inclinations, we are dealing with the original phenomena of the game.

Those. We play not because you are children, and we are given a childhood in order for us to play.

Gros did not create the theory of the game as a deat, typical for the childhood period, but only pointed out that this figure is to them. Definition Biology. Important function.

Objections:

believes that the individual. experience occurred on the basis of hereditary, but opposes them

it is strange that in the game of abdomen, not related to the struggle for existence and, therefore, the origin in others. Sl-X, not similar to those in the cat. N., hunting will happen, real devices arose, because There is no real reinforcement.

transfer without reservations Biology. Meaning of animal games for people

Stern. Shared the views of the gross, but supplemented:

idea of \u200b\u200bthe prematurity of ripening abilities

recognition of the game by special instinct

needed to prepare ripening methods of intimate contact them with impressions external. Mira

Gros, unlike the Stern, does not put the question of the role ex. Conditions in the game, because The opponent of the position of Spencer about imitating as the basis of the game.

Bücher To explain the game introduces the concept of functional pleasure. This concept is rewarded from pleasure-pleasure and from the joy associated with anticipation of the cut-ta. Next, it said that in order to select the forms of the behavior, I need from surplus, wealth of activities, body movements, especially in young animals. And also manages the game the principle of the form, or the desire for a perfect form.

Criticism of the Burera: functionality. The pleasure is the engine of all samples, including erroneous, it will lead to repetition and consolidate any children and movements.

Boithendike. Sporit with Grosom:

instinctive forms of children, like nerve. Meh-we underlie them, ripen regardless of exercise

separating the exercise from the game

not the game explains the meaning of childhood, but on the contrary: the creature plays because it is young

The main features of behavior in childhood:

non-directional movement

motor impulsiveness (young. Belly-E is in constant movement)

"Patic" attitude to reality is opposite to Gnostic, directly affective communication with the district. world arising as a reaction to novelty

movility, fearlessness, shyness (not fear, and an ambivalent attitude, concluded in motion to things and from it)

All this leads the animal and child to the game.

Restriction of the game from Dr. Children: The game is always a game with something - Engine. Games of animals are not games.

The basis of the game is not a department. Instincts, and more general attractions. Following Freud: 3 Exodus. Inquiring, leading to the game:

attraction for exemption, removing obstacles coming out from the environment

attraction to the merger to community with the surrounding

trend towards repetition

The gaming item D / B is partly familiar and at the same time have unknown features.

Playing your outcome. The form is a manifestation of indicative children.

Claparel objected:

peculiarities are young. The organism is not m / b the base of the game, because:

they are characteristic of young and those belly, cats do not play

the dynamics manifest not tickly in the games, but also in other forms of the behavior

there are games and adults

naib Opened these experiments manifest in such children as fun, idleness and games of very small, cat. on boitendayk not to be a game

Boitendike limits the concept of the game: dances, tumbling do not belong to the games, although it is characterized by the indicated features of children. Dynamics

Cons of all these theories:

phenomenological. approach to highlighting the game from other types of behavior

identifying the course of psychic. Development of a child and animal and their games

Elkonin: The game occurred on the best. Stages of the evolution of the belly. peace and is associated with the emergence of childhood; The game is not the administration of the body, but the form of the behavior, i.e. Children with things, and with possessing elements of novelty. Young game. Belly - Exercise is not a department. Engine. Systems or department. Instinct and type of behavior, and the exercise in the fast and accurate control of the engine. Began in any of its forms, based on the images of the individual. Sl-th, in the cat. It is a subject, i.e. Exercise in the estimated deet.

J. Selly - feature role games:

converting a child of himself and surroundings and the transition to the imaginary world

deep acquisitions by creating this fiction and life in it

Stern. Tesne in the world, in the cat. The child lives, and the pressure experienced by them is the reason for the tendency to depart from this world, the cause of the game, and the fantasy - the fur of its implementation. But the Stern contradicts himself: he himself said that the child introduces children to his game to adult people and related objects, because The world of adults is attractive for him.

Z. Freud. Two primary attractions: to death (a tendency to obsessive reproduction is connected with him) and to life, to self-preservation, to power, to self-affirmation. This is a landing. Dynamic forces. Psychic. Life, unchanged in the infant and adult. Children's game, like culture, science, art - forms of bypass barriers, cat. puts in common in the original entrepreneurs, looking for a way out. When analyzing the game of a small child with throwing things and with the "appearance - disappearance", the coils with thread Freud assumes symbolization in this game of the traumatic child of the mother's care situation.

Objection: doubtful fact so early symbolization.

Freud's childhood period is a period of continuous injury to the child, and the tendency to obsessive repetition leads to games, the game as the only means of mastering by repetition of those unbearable experiences, the cat carry these injuries. Those. People since Childhood is a potential neurotic, and the game is a natural therapeutic agent.

The game occurred on the basis of the same fur men, the cat is at the heart of the dreams and neuroses of adults.

An important thought: the game of children is under the influence of the desire dominant at this age - to become an adult and do the way adults do.

Adler is a feeling of weakness and disconciliation, painfully feeling, the child is trying to drown out in itself the fiction of power and domination - plays a wizard and fairy. Games - attempts to create a situation that detects those social. Robility, on the cat. Fixed affect, i.e. role-playing game in the rapid semantic center. Soc. Robility between adults and between the adult and the child.

Hartley. Observation of the role-playing game is to find out how the re-k represents adults, the meaning of their children, relationship, and also in roles. The game of the child enters Real. Robility with others. Playing and showing the characteristic kach-wa and some. emotional. Experience.

Disadvantages of Freud's Interpretations:

biology, does not take into account the history of ontogenetic. The development of people, identifies the OSN. cramps people and belly and leads them to sexual

transfer hypothetical. Meh-we are the dynamics of psychic. Life with adult patients on children

the idea of \u200b\u200bthe relationship of the child and the common of both antagonistic, leading to injury, and play the child's care form from Real. Actions

ignorir-Sia has arisen about the game in the history of the general and in the development of the department. Individual, not consider the meaning of the game for psychic. Development

Piaget. The child assimilates its surrounding reality in accordance with the laws of his thinking, first autistic and then egocentric. Such assimilation creates a special world, in Oct. The child lives and satisfies all his desires. This world of dreams for the child is most important, he is a real reality for him. The path of development from the standpoint of the Piaget: first for the child there is a single world - subjective. The world of autism and desires, then under the influence of pressure from the world of adults, the world of reality, there are two worlds - the world of the game and the world of reality, and the first has more important importance for the child. This world of the game is something like remnants of a purely autistic world. Finally, under pressure from the world of reality, there is also a displacement of these residues, and then there arises as if a single world with displaced desires acquires Har-p of dreams or dreams.

Objections. Nevertheless prerequisites: that the needs of the child are given to him from the very beginning in the form of a psychic. formations in the form of desires or troty; What the needs of the child are not satisfied. Research is Lisina: the initial loss of the child is a child to communicate with adults. The world of the child is primarily an adult person. The world of the child is always some part of the world of adults, a peculiar refracted, but part of the objective world. And besides, no satisfaction of the troty in the imaginary world is impossible.

K. Levin, schematic views:

Psychic. Medium of an adult person differentiates to layers with different. degree of reality.

Possible transitions from one plan to another.

It is in children, but they have differentiation of different. The degrees of reality are not so distinct and transitions from the level of reality to the level of irreality are made easier.

OSN. The fur of the transition from the layers of various. The degree of reality to the surreal layers of the Yavl-Xia substitution.

OSN. SV, Games: It deals with phenomena related to the level of reality in the sense that they are available to observing unauthorized persons, but significantly less is linked by the laws of reality than non-game behavior.

Slienberg (research). In a serious situation, the child is about. Refusal from gaming substitution. In the game, he often rejects Real. Things or Real. Actions proposed by him in return game. Pts. An important factor in the adoption of the replacement of the yawa is the degree of intensity of the tetro. The stronger the crack, the less value becomes the value of the replacement action.

Levin and Slienberg: The game is a special layer of reality, but the actions in the game on their dynamics are close to actions in the surreal layers.

Piaget. The child uses his body and department. Movement for a fever. Modeling position, movement and sv-in some. Objects (pointed and Zaporozhets). The study of the imitation leads a biased to the thought that the born thinks. The image is an amteriorized imitation. So, on Piaget, imitation is the distinguished from unintended sensor. Movements are pure accommodation for visual or acoustic models. And the game is primarily simple assimilation, functional or reproducing. Psychic. Assimilation is the inclusion of objects in the circuit of the behavior, the cat-e itself is nothing more than anything that can be reproduced by the ability to actively reproduce.

One of the criteria for the game of Piaget is the liberation from conflicts.

3 OSN. Piaget Game Structures:

exercise Games

symbolic Games

games with rules

All of them are the forms of the behavior, in the cats prevailing assimilation, but their difference is that for each. Stage validity is assimilated by different schemes. What is the structure of the thoughts of the child at this stage of development, is this and its game, for the game is assimilation of reality in accordance with the structure of thought.

Symbolic game is a egocentric thought in its pure form. OSN. The function of the game is the protection of the child from forced accommodations to reality. The symbol, being personal, individual, affective language of the child, and the main means of such egocentric assimilation.

The game is such egocentric. Assimilation in the cat. I am a special language symbol, creating the possibility of its most complete implementation.

Piage's views on the game as an expression unconscious. Conflicts and rapprochement of symbolism of the game with symbolism of dreams - the proximity of his understanding of the game psychoanalytic.

Objections: the game of Yavl is not conservative power, but, on the contrary, the children-thu, producing a genuine revolution in the child and the child to the world, including in the transition from centered thinking to decentned, plays a progressive role in the development of the child. Symbolism. The game is not egocentric. Thought in pure form, as Piaget thinks, but, on the contrary, its overcoming. In the game, the child acts with his experiences, he puts them out at night, recreating material conditions for their occurrence, transfers them into a new form, Gnostic (girl, affected by the type of duck, is lying on the sofa and a muted voice: "I am a dead duck").

Piaget believes that in the game any thing m / serve the fictitious deputy for anything. But it is not. Vygotsky: some items easily replace others, Zd. It does not matter similarity, but it is important to function, the ability to perform the depicting gesture with the deputy.

It is impossible to agree with the Piaget in the convergence of the symbolism of the game with the symbolism of dreams.

Merit of Piaget: Put the problem of the game in touch with the transition from sensor engine intelligence to thinking in views.

Chateau. Delight, cat. The child gets in the game is a moral pleasure. It is due to the one to eat in each game. Plan and more or less strict rules. Implementation of this plan and rules creates special moral satisfaction. The child does not have other SP-bov self-affirmation, except for the game. Self-affirmation at Chateau is the expression of the desire to improve and overcome difficulties, to new achievements.

Soviet ψ. Ushinsky emphasized the importance of the game for the general development of the soul (for the development of the personality and its moral side), Sikorsky - the role of the game in the skills. Development.

Vinogradov - taking in the Osn. The theory of Gros, believes that he was not enough to take into account the "human factors": imagination, imagination, emotional moments.

Basov: game them. Structural features, Naib. There is no characteristic of the child of some Definition obligations, this freedom in relations with the medium leads to a special type of behavior, the main driving force and feature of the cat. Yavl-Xia processes. Che-K is an active figure, refusal of purely naturalistic. Theories of the game, who seen its sources inside the person, and not in the system of relationships of the child with its surrounding values.

Blonsky. Games:

imaginary games (manipulation)

building games

immissory

dramatic

movable

intellectual

What we call the game is, in essence, the construction and dramatic art of the child. The problems of the game are hidden problems of labor and art in preschool age.

Vygotsky.

In the games of children, a primitive. Chel-ka occur. Their preparation for future deet. Game human. The child is also aimed at the future play, but chapters. In a manifold the social. Har-Ra.

The game is the execution of desires, but not single, but generalized affects. The central and characteristic of the gaming situation is the creation of an imaginary situation, which consists in making the role of an adult, and implementing it in the gaming atmosphere created by the child himself. Rules in the game There are rules for the child for yourself, the rules are internal. self-conformity and self-determination. In the game, everything is internal. Processes are given in external. action. The game continuously creates such situations that require a child's action not by direct impulse, but along the largest resistance line. The game is the game, although not the predominant, but the leading type of deet-ti in preschool age. The game contains all development trends, it is a source of development and creates the zones of the nearest development, behind the game there are changes in the troty and betrayal of the consciousness of common Har-Ra.

Rubinstein. Exodus. Particular games - the specimens of its motives. The motives of the game is not in the utilitarian effect and the material cut, the cat. about. gives this action in practice. non-game plan, but not in the very teacher, regardless of its sharp, but in diverse experiences, meaningful as a child of the parties. In the game, the action of Yavl is more expressive and semantic acts than operational techniques.

The emergence of the game in ontogenesis.

The whole first half of the first year of life passes with the fascinating formation of sensory systems. Important for the subsequent development of the act of grabbing have feeling movements of the hand. First, the hands are randomly pushed at the PRMMT, the formation of the subsequent direction of the hands to the object when it is located on the definite. The distance from the eye, bringing to the definite. The position of the brush and fingers at the form of the subject is determined. Angle view. In the course of the form of an act of grabbing the connection between the Site. Perception and movement is installed instantly. In the process of grabbing, feeling the formamp of the connection between the net, the subject and its validity. The form, the size, remoteness is laid the foundations of spatial subject perception.

Development replay Movements are starting with pattering on the subject, then they become more diverse. In the challenge and maintenance of repeated and chain actions with objects, a large role belongs to an approximately research deed, associated with novelty items and a variety of kach-c. The child predominantly focuses on a new object and grabs it. Manipulative actions in the first year of life appeared when all the necessary prerequisites occurred for this, as well as coordinated movements. Orientation for a new, developing throughout the second half of the year is already a form of behavior, and not a simple reaction. The exhaustion of the possibilities of novelty leads to the termination of actions with the subject. Elconin does not call the initial manipulative action by the game. By the end of the first year of life, direct emotional. Communication of a child with adults is replaced by the new. A qualitatively peculiar form deployed in the joint. Deat with adult and mediated manipulation with objects. The child is looking for assessments and approval of an adult.

The emergence of the role-playing game is genetically associated with the formation under the leadership of adult subject action in early childhood. Thing. Actions - historically established, enshrined in def. Items social consumption of their use. Carriers subject. Action is an adults. Development object. actions - the process of assimilation occurring under the direct leadership of adults. In the course of the form of the subject. Action Child first assisters commonly. Action scheme with the subject associated with its societies. assignment, and only then the department adjusts. Operations to physical. The form of the subject and the conditions for the implementation of actions with it. Assimilation by observing adult actions. 2 types of transfer: transferring action with the subject to other conditions and the implementation of the same action, but already with the subject-deponent. For the first time, the replacement of one subject another occurs if necessary to supplement the usual situation of action for the missing subject. Cut something with a knife - use a wand, because It can be produced externally the same action.

Calling items: Children call the subject after an adult called it and after the action is performed.

Children are already performing a number of action produced by adults, but also do not call themselves the name of adults. Only at the very end of early childhood, between 2.5 and 3 years appeared the first robes of the role: the name of the doll appeared with the name of the acting person and appeared a child's conversation from the face of the doll. With dolls, actions produce, but this is a number of unnecessied department. actions, there is no logic in their deployment: first the tauchet, then goes, then feeds, then shakes on the rocking chair ... no logic. Film, cat. There are in life, the actions m / repeated several times. Only to the very end of early childhood, games are beginning to appear, which are a chain of life action. About. In the center - doll.

In the course of development subject. Games The child does not learn better to act with the objects - to own the scallop, a spoon ... m / b, in the play action does not know the child's child. physical. SV-in objects. In the subject. The game is assigned chapters. The values \u200b\u200bof objects occur on their societies. Function, societies. using.

There is a generalization of actions and their separation from items, there is a comparison of its actions with the actions of adults and the invocation of themselves by the name of the adult.

The child produces an object. Actions first on those subjects on the cat. They formed with adults; It transfers these actions to other items offered at first adults; Calls objects with the names of replaced objects only after actions with them and the name of their adult game names; It is named by the name of those people, the action of the cat. Reproduces adults at the suggestion.

The game occurs not spontaneously, but with adults.

Development of the game in preschool age.

Wall at the border of early childhood and doszol. age, role-playing game is intensively developing and reaches its highest level in the second half of the preschool.

Arkin - 5 Osn. Game development lines:

from small groups to increasingly crowded

from unstable groups to increasingly stable

from dissustary games to plot

from a number of unrelated episodes to a systematicly deployed plot

from the reflection of personal life and the nearest environment to public life events

Rudik decree on a number of new symptoms:

changes of Har-Ra conflicts from the senior compared to the younger

transition, in the cat. each. The child plays in his own way, to the game, in the cat. The actions of children are agreed and the interaction of children is organized on the basis of assigned roles.

changes of Har-Ra stimulation of the game, the cat in the younger age arises under the influence of toys, and in the older - under the influence of the plan, regardless of toys

change of Har-RA role, Cot-naia is first wearing a generalized Har-P, and then increasingly endowed with individual features and is typed.

Games in the younger. Aged procedural Har-P; In environments. Doszol. The age of the roles are important, the interest of the game for children is to conclude in the role of the role; At the older age, children are not just that or others. The role, but also how well it is performed.

Menderitskaya - New Children. games:

the development of the use of children varies. Objects in the game, Cote, when replacing Real. Gaming item dressed from remote similarity to increasingly demanding in relation and similarities

smoothing with age contradictions between inventing the plot and the possibility of its implementation

the development of the plot comes from the image externally. The parties of the Yavl to the transfer of their meaning

the appearance in the older plane is also a schematic and inaccurate, but perspective and clarifying actions of each. Member game

strengthening and at the same time changing the role of the organizers of the game to the older age

Slavic observations.

Characteristic features of the games of senior children. Children about. agree on the roles and then deploy the plot of the games on the best. Plan, recreating the lens. The logic of events in the definite, strict sequence. Each. The action of the child them. Logical continuation in another, replacing its action. Things, toys, the setting is obtained. Game values, cat. Save throughout the game. Children play together, their actions are interrelated. Actions are subordinated to the plot and roles. Their fulfillment is not an intention in itself, they are always it. Service. Value, only implementing a role, is generalized, abbreviated, whole Har-p.

The game younger. Children wearing another Har-r. The kids are consider toys, choose Naib. Attractive and begin to individually manipulate with them, long-term repetitive actions, without showing interest in what toys and how Dr. child plays. But the children are important that the role in the game will be attended by the role and imaginary situation, although in fact they almost do not beat. 2 motivational plans in the game: 1) immediately. Imagination to act with toys, 2) Take on yourself. The role that gives the meaning of the actions produced with objects.

Mikhailenko put experiments. B fin. The series found out the possibility of children's elementary. Forms of players. Deeds for attributed adult samples. Children from 1.5 to 3 years. The plot was wondered. SP-BIU. The first series is in verbal form - Zd. Of the 55 children, only 10 over 2 years began to play. The second series - the experimenter not only told the plot, but also played him before the children. Of 45 children, cat. Not accepted the plot in the 1st series, 32 children accepted. Then a special series - to translate the learned element. Actions with the plot. Toys in the game - offered to children to reproduce the action not with that object, on the cat. They were learned, and with substituent subjects. The part accepted on the verbal sentence. And part only after the show.

During the generalization and reduction of actions, its meaning changed: the effect with a spoon turned into a doll feeding. But although the actions became gaming in shape, they were not still role. Mikhailenko suggested that the transition to the execution of a role is associated with 2 conditions: with the classification of a number of actions to the same character (the doctor - heard, gives medicine, makes an injection ...) and with the adoption of the character's role, the cat. Set in the plot, on yourself.

Development of role in the game. Expert. The first series: games in themselves, in adults and in comrades. Second series: Games with a violation of a sequence of actions when the role is fulfilled by the child. Third Series: Games with violation of the meaning of the role.

The younger children refusing to play themselves without motivating the failure. At environments. Doszol. From the same failure, but it is always replaced by the offer of other games. Senior Deeds offer some From about. Lessons in the quality of the content of the game or offer to repeat the entire routine of the children. Garden. Realizing this content, the children perceive the relationship with the expert not as gaming, but as serious. The game is possible only if there is a role!

The role of the teacher is taken willingly, and the roles of children elders do not want to take. The role of a child is not M / serving the realization of the motive of the game (the motive of the game is a role), and the relationship with the educator for them is no longer presented with significant in the content of their lives.

Offer Take on the role of comrades in the younger. Children meets the same way, as a game in themselves. A senior. Children, taking on the role of Dr. Child, are extinguished by typical action for him, classes, characteristic features of behavior. Probably, younger can not be pulled out, because they do not take such roles.

The essence of the game is the recreation of social. Robin between people. The meaning of the game for children is different. age. Groups changing. For younger, he is in the actions of the face, the role of the cat. Performs a child. For medium - in the contacts of this person to others. For elders - in typical face relationships, the role of the cat. Performed by a child. For each The role of the well-known rules of operation or societies are hidden. Behold.

Levels of the game:

First level.

there are roles, but they define the Har-Rom of Action, and do not determine the action

actions are monotonous and compatible from a number of repetition of operations

the logic of action is easily broken without protests from children

Second level.

reviews are called children, the separation of functions is planned, the role of the role is reduced to the implementation of actions related to this role

the logic of action is defined by their sequence in Real. Actions

the violation of the action of actions is not accepted in fact, but not protesting, the rejection is not motivated by anything

Third level.

the roles are clearly outlawed and highlighted, children call their roles before the start of the game, the role is defined and sent the child's behavior

the logic and Har-p of actions are defined by the result, the action becomes diverse, the specific role-playing speech appeared to a friend in accordance with his role and the role performed by a comrade

violation of the logic of actions is protesting by reference to Real. a life

Fourth level.

the roles are clearly contacted and highlighted, throughout the game, the child clearly leads one line of behavior, role functions of children are interrelated, we are clearly role-playing Har-P

actions are deployed in a clear sequence, strictly recreating real. Logic, they are diverse, the rules that refer to real life are clearly identified.

violation of the logic of actions and the rules is rejected not just a reference to Real. Life, but also by indicating the rationality of the rules

Violation of the meaning of the role (in the expense, the role was raised in a contradiction with actions, the cat-e d / b to produce a child). They asked to play that the car distributes tickets, and the conductor leads the train. Second Games - Mice Catch Cat. Children of 3 years old, the first game - to bring the child from the role is impossible, tr. The role of a mercy for a child with objects, with the cats, it acts, so the change of items is a change of role. At the next level - otherwise. The child takes new features of therapy, called the conductor, but, having started acting as a counselo, enters the role and calls himself in unity with the SP-Boy of his actions. At the last level (the highest preschoolers), children take the proposal of the expense, M / act not in accordance with the role and call itself not in accordance with the content of their gaming actions.

The question of sustainability in submission to the rule. Put in a situation in the cat. For the sake of the role of the role of the child d / give an attractive item for itself or refuse to perform action. 4 Stages in submission to rule in the role-playing game:

missing rules, because In fact, there is no role, the immediate impulse wins

it is clearly not a rule yet, but in cases of conflict, it already wins the immediate desire to act with the subject.

the rule clearly acts as a role, but is still completely not defined by the behavior and violated when the desire arises to produce others will attract. act. When indicating a violation, the error in the execution of the role is immediately corrected

the behavish-e define the roles taken by the roles, inside the cat. Obviously acts the rule of the behavior, in the struggle between rule and desire, the rule wins

Symbolism in the role-playing game. Contemporary The child lives not only in the world of items, through the cat. Certainly his tetro. But in the world of images and even signs (pictures in books, etc.). The process of transformation of the subject in the toy and is the process of differentiation of the meant and meaning the object of birth of a symbol. After studying different. Symvenual forms. Functions (drawing, design, game, trades), Gapetzer concluded that already at 3rd aged children m / seize arbitrary connection of the sign and meaning - m / start learning to read earlier than usually.

Lukov: Methods of double rename items in the game. Number of subjects that can perform the roles of adults or children necessary in the course of the game and to replace items, it was specially limited to force children to use items for substitution, first, the horse in the children first. Garden, then - Cook ). In 3 years, children easily change after the expert appointment of things in the game and their names, but rarely retain it for her new things. The gaming trades and the name, constantly returning to the originator. Pre-game software operation with the subject and to the previous name. In 5 years, children themselves are actively looking for among the proposed toys necessary to replace characters or objects, and if they do not find, they agree with the proposals of the expense, although with some. labor. By changing the SP-B actions with the subject and its name, the child firmly retains its new appointment for the subject, even if it is not located in direct accordance with Eg Original, pre-game. The condition so that one toy replaces the other, it is not an external similarity, but the ability to determine. The way to act with this thing (the horse can be put, lay as a child, and the ball is impossible). For older children, the game SP-W action on relevant to replacement subjects is also very good. Sustainable. According to their own. The initiative children never produce seconds. Replacements, therefore, the initial perspective of the expenses to destroy the adopted gaming meaning of things is encountered on some. Resistance, but after several such changes, children willingly go to further secondary renaming.

HR. We see the separation of the SP-BA of the use of the subject from the Congret. Things for a cat. This SP-B is originally fixed, as well as the separation of the word from the subject.

Elkonin. The first series is a renaming game - a number of items in a child, he d / call the items of other names, rename. The second series: 4 subjects and their game names are given, you need to make a number of actions with them (N., Pencil is a knife, the ball is an apple: "Cut the piece of apple"). The third series is similar to the second, but gave N., a knife as a pencil and pencil as a knife - the game consumption of the subject in a conflict situation, in the presence of a real object.

Resort First episode. Already in children of 3 years, simple renaming does not cause difficulties. But many children, calling items with new names, make mistakes, calling a subject or its own name, or others. Naib Number of errors falls for younger. Age (3-4 years). Renaming to children of objects is limited to the subjects, the cat in its real. SV-you allow you to produce the action required by the new name. During the doctor. age is due. Expansion of confined for the word action with the subject and the EG of SV-B, which creates the possible more free, but still limited gaming renaming.

2 series. Half of the three-year-old children experience difficulties when performing actions feeding a dog apple (cube - ball). 4-year-old children better cope with this task. 5-year-old there is no noticeable shift. 6-year-olds all coped with the tasks of this series significantly freer, there was not a single case of non-compliance.

3 series. Number of children, cat. Do not take the game of items. Perse. Differences between the younger and senior preschoolers Zd. not. Only 3-year-olds give a significant number of failures, and at the other ages, the number of children who host game use is almost the same, but the younger children resistance is much greater than the elders. The introduction of the real object enhances the connection of the subject with actions and weakens the connection of the word with the actions or even slows down at all.

In the development of the game 2 symbolization:

transferring action from one item to another when renaming the subject

taking the child with the role of an adult person, while the generalization and abbreviation of actions act as a condition for modeling social. Practically between people during their children and thereby clarification of their human. meaning.

Development of child relations to the rules in the game. Moving games with rules.

The younger children are, the more substantially and immediately d / b is the relationship between the rules that the child d / subjugate their actions, and the role, the cat, he takes over.

Playing the relay - subordination of the immediate impulse to run to the experimental rule to run on the signal. Only the youngest children have unsuitability of the rule. Children or run until the end of the team, or not run and after graduation; The direct impetus to run or wins, or inhibits; There is no fight between the pulse and there is still no struggle. Already at 4 years old otherwise: out of 11 samples in 9 cases, the submission of the rule. Complication: Game in the burner, Zd. The Yavl-Xia team is longer, so the impulse runs up all the time, and it is harder to restrain it. Children of 7 years in contrast to 5-year-olds are aware of their impulse and, \u003d\u003e, already consciously obey the rule. The introduction of the plot increases the possibility of subordination with the younger children (when playing the locomotive is better than in a simple relay). With the introduction of the plot, there is an alienation of its actions, their objectification, hence the possibility of comparing them and evaluate, \u003d\u003e, large handling. Already in environments. Doszol. The age becomes possible to obey the game rule, not clotheled in role-based content; In the older preschool age, games with ready-made rules occupy a significant place; At school age, they are moved to the background of plot role-playing games.

Ex-T - game in the deposit. Rear-to together with the teacher in the absence of the expert, he was conceived, what action d / to make an expert, the teacher was enjoyed with the child that they would not say what to do, let the guess himself guess. The experter fulfilled the role of an adultery, allegedly not knowing what action was conceived. The child simultaneously has a rule to be silent and promptly prompt, they come into contradiction. The child (4.5 years) goes along the desire, the presence of a teacher at this stage does not contribute to the execution of the rule. At the second stage (5-6 years), the behavish changes, the meaning of the game for a child is not to tell the conceived. The child is guided by the rule, but hardly copes with the desire to tell. Children are not directly prompted, but they look at the foggy, they give leading instructions, gladly when the expert is guessing. The presence of a teacher or other child at this stage helps to restrain the desire. At the third stage (6.5 - 7 years old) for children, the meaning of the game is not to tell the conceived, wins the rule, the struggle is not so visible. The rule is observed, even when the teacher is absent.

The development of the game comes from the unfolded gaming situation and hidden in it with the rules to games with open rules and a rolled up game situation.

The game "Fingering the Rules of Games" (give a game field, soldiers, riders, commander, 2 balls, you have to come up with the game with them). Steps:

prey; missing rules, no plot decorated, the actions of children are reduced to manipulating toys

the foundations of the plot and roles occurred, the commander is highlighted, the game in the OSN. Coming down to building and marching, department. episodes of the game between themselves are not connected, there is no clear rules

speakers the plot, the war is played out, the rules are closely related to the plot, the rules are not summarized, but in the course of the game the department. Rules are formed

the rules are delayed and formulated before the start of the game, appeared and purely conditional rules independent of the plot and the gaming situation

Game and mental development.

The game and development of the motivational and consumer sphere.

Vygotsky put forward the problem of motives and troty as a central to understand the very emergence of the role-playing game (right), indicated the contradictions between the new desires and the trend towards their immediate implementation, the cat. Not m / b exercised.

Leontyev. Thing. The world, aware of the child expands, not with all subjects, the child is able to act. For a child, there is still no distracted theoretical. Deat, awareness acts first of all in the form of action. The child seeks to enter into an effective attitude not only with things available to him, he seeks to act as an adult.

When moving from the subject. Games to role-playing directly in the subject environment of children of substantial betrayal m / and not happen. The child is still washes a doll, stacked her sleep. But all these items and actions with them are now included in the new. The system of the child to the actual, in the new. Affective attractive deat, thanks to this, they objectively acquired a new meaning. Turning a child to the mother, and dolls in the child leads to turning bathing, feeding, cooking in care of the child. In these actions, the attitude of the mother to the child is now expressed - her love and caress, and maybe, on the contrary; It depends on the concrete. The sleep of the child's life, those concrete. Person-th, the cat is surrounded. The generalization and abbreviation of the gaming actions is the symptom of what is a man. Personally happens and that this distinguished meaning is emotionally experienced.

The values \u200b\u200bof the game are not limited to the fact that the child has a new man's motifs and related tasks. Essentially important is the fact that there is a new game. Psychological. Form of motifs. Hypothetically m / imagine that it is in the game that the transition from motives that have the form of aware of actively painted immediate desires, to motives having the form of generalized intentions on the verge of consciousness.

The game and overcoming "cognitive egocentrism". Piaget characterizes the OSN. Kat-in thinking of children Doszol. age, Ott's cat. All the others depend as cognitive egocentrism - the insufficient accumulation of its point of view from others. Possible, and from here and its actual domination. The role-playing game leads to a change in the position of the child - with its individual and specific children - to the new position of the adult. The game of the Yavl-Xia Children, in Oct. Once OSN. The processes associated with overcoming can know. Egocentrism.

The task is fault about three brothers. Correctly pointing out how many brothers he has, the child is not m / correctly indicated how many brothers From his brothers, i.e. Stop on their point of view. The experts are not savory: the task of three brothers was offered not to his family, but in relation to someone else's or conditional family, Zd. Egocentric. The position has not been manifested at all or manifested itself to a much lesser extent. So In the conditions of experimental. The games managed to overcome the phenomenon to know. Egocentrism.

The game and the development of mental actions. Halperin installed the OSN. Stages of formamp mental actions. If you delete the step before. Orientation in the taskih, then the form of the UMERS. Action and concepts with predetermined copies of you are naturally traveled. Stages:

stage formir-I actions for material. subjects or their material substituent models

stage formir-I same action in terms of hands-free speech

the stage of formir-I actually mental action (sometimes there is also an intermediate stages, N. Formation of action in terms of deployed speech, but to itself, etc.)

In the game, the child is already valid with the values \u200b\u200bof the objects, but also rests on their material substituents - toys. Support on substituents and actions with them are increasingly reduced. Thus, gaming actions are intermediate Har-P, acquiring gradually Har-p mental actions with the values \u200b\u200bof items that are performed in terms of speech speech and still barely relying on external. Action but acquired already Har-p of a generalized gesture-instruction. In the game, the formir-smiling background to the transition of the skills. actions to the dwell stage. actions based on speech.

J. Brunner: The role is finished. Manipulations with material (elements of guns) for the subsequent solve intellectual. Tasks. He highly appreciates the meaning of the game for intellectual. development, because In the course of the game M / arise such combinations of material and such an orientation in its sv-fly, the cat-e / to lead to the subsequent use of this material in the frames of guns during solvent and tasks.

The game and the development of an arbitrary behavior. In the game every minute there is a child's refusal from fleeting desires in favor of fulfilling the roles. In the game there is a significant restructuring of the child, it becomes arbitrary, i.e. It is carried out in accordance with the sample and controlled by mapping with this sample as a standard.

In all age groups, the duration of preservation of immobility posture (N., Clockwise) in the runtime situation exceeds the preservation of the same posture in the right task. Great importance to them. Motivation of children. The performance of the role, being emotionally attractive, stimulates the implementation of actions, in the cat, the role is incarnation. In the presence of the station's posture group, it was carried out longer and more strictly than in the situation of loneliness. The presence of others, as it were, strengthened control over their behavior. The child in the game performs 2 functions: performs its role and controls its behavior, i.e. There is a reflection, so the game M / is considered a school of arbitrary behavior.

D.B. Elkonin.

Psychology of the game.

M., "Pedagogy", 1978.

Chapter Second

About the historical role-playing game

1. From the history of toys

The central for the theory of the role game is the question of its historical origin - this is the question of its nature.

By fighting for a materialistic understanding of the origin of art, G. V. Plekhanov also affects the game about the game: "Deciding on the issue of labor to the game or, if you want, the game to work is extremely important to clarify the genesis of art" (1958, p. 336). At the same time, the city of V. Plekhanov puts forward a number of provisions that are basic and to solve the issue of the origin of the game.

The most important is his position that the work of the game is older in the history of the human society. "First, the real war and the need created by it in good warriors, and then the game in the war to meet this need" (ibid, p. 342). This position, as Plekhanov points, makes it possible to understand why the game in the life of the individual precedes labor. "... If we did not go beyond the point of view of the individual, - Plekhanov writes, - then we would not understand why the game is in his life before labor; No, why he is amused by these, and not with any other games "(1958, p. 343) the game, in the light of these position Plekhanov, it seems to be an activity arising in response to the needs of the Company in which children live and active members of which They must become.

In order to answer the question under what conditions and due to the needs of society there is a role-playing game, it would be necessary to historical research.

In Soviet psychology, the first question of the need for a historical study to build a full-fledged theory of the game was delivered by E. A. Arkin "only on the actual material, asked from the past and compared with the present, the right scientific theory of game and toys can be built, and only from such a theory can Be proceeding healthy, fruitful, stable "pedagogical practice." "The history of the children's game and children's toys" - continues E. A. Arkin, - must serve the foundation for building their theories "(1935, from 10).

In his study, E. A. Arkin almost does not concern the question of the historical appearance of the game, in particular the role-playing game, and stops mainly on toys and their history. Comparing toys mined during archaeological excavations, with modern toys, Arkin writes: "In the collected them (archaeologists - D. E.) and the collections stored in museums did not turn out to be any one that would have no double in modern children's" (there , p. 21). Not limited to comparison with the archaeological toy, E. A. Arkin explores the children's toys of the peoples standing at the lowest levels of development. And here the author comes to similar conclusions, "Indeed, the fact that, despite the heterogeneity of the sources, of which we drew our material, the picture when changing the forms and differences of details retains the unity that the peoples separated from each other with huge spaces, toy It remains all the same unstable, forever young, and its content, its functions remain the same among the Eskimos and Polynesians, in the chaffers and the Indians, at Bushmen and Bororo- this fact speaks of the striking stability of the toy and, therefore, the need for it satisfies , and the forces that create it "(1935, p. 31).

Covering further facts of identity not only toys, but also games of modern children and children of peoples standing at lower levels of social development, E. A. Arkin concludes its comparison "... the stability of the children's toy, its versatility, the immutability of its main structural forms and The functions performed by it are obvious fact, and maybe it is the evidence of this fact that the researchers did not consider it necessary to stop on it or emphasize it. But if the striking stability of the children's toy is indisputable, then it is completely incomprehensible why psychologists, anthropologists and natural scientists did not make any conclusions, why they did not seek an explanation for him. Or this indisputable fact is so simple and clear that it does not require any interpretation? It is hardly so. On the contrary, it should seem to be strange that the child born and growing in the culture of the XX B is enjoyed to completely and close as a source of joys and an instrument for its development and self-education to the same toy that is the property of a child, which is relatives of people who are close in their mental development. To the inhabitants of caves and pile buildings, and growing in the conditions of the very primitive existence. And these children are so distant from each other. Epochs of humanity show their deep inner intimacy by the fact that they not only receive or create similar toys themselves, but also more strikingly, what makes the same application "(1935, p. 32 ).

We have led these big excerpts from E. A. Arkina to show how historical is just like the study led the author to anti-historical conclusions. Comparing the toys of children of primitive societies and archaeological toys of a relatively recent historical past with toys of modern children, the author did not find anything specific in them. And there are the same toys and the same use of their child. Consequently, no story of the toy, no its development. The toy remained the same as she was at the dawn of human culture.

The reason for this apparent elimination of toys E. A. Arkin sees that "the human child, like his toys, shows its unity in the unity of human traits of development" (ibid, p. 49). E. A. Arkina needed a statement about the historical invariability of the toy to prove the situation that with the emergence of Homo Sapiens Children in all epochs - from the most ancient and to date, appeared with the same possibilities. Yes, it is undoubtedly so. But one of the paradoxes of development of children and lies in the fact that, coming to this world with the same measure of helplessness and the same capabilities, they pass in societies standing at different levels of production and culture, a completely different way of development, reaching and different ways and in different ways The time of your social and psychological maturity.

Regulation E. A. Arkina on the invariabilities of the toy in the course of the historical development of society logically leads us to the conclusion that the toy meets in some other natural features of the child and is not in any connection with the life of society and the life of a child in society. This is fundamentally contrary to the right position of G. V. Plekhanov that the game in its content goes back to the work of adults. It is quite natural that the toy can not be anything else, as reproduction in one or another simplified, generalized and schematic form of objects from the life and activities of the Company adapted to the peculiarities of children of one or another age.

E. A. Arkin leaves a historical point of view and becomes, expressing the words of G. V. Plekhanov, to the point of view of an individual. But such a point of view cannot explain to us why children play in certain games and use those or other toys in their games. Currently, it is generally recognized that the game of children in its content is closely related to life, labor and activities of adult members of society. How can it be that the game determined in its content of the life of society, and the toy is the necessary companion of any game, did not have any attitude towards the life of society and answered someone in the unchanging natural features of the child?

E. A. Arkin obtained conclusions from its comparative historical study primarily contradict the facts. The children's modern preschooler is filled with toys that could not exist in primitive society and the game consumption of which is not available for the child of this society. Is it possible to imagine among the toys of this society cars, trains, airplanes, lunaries, satellites, building materials, pistols, sets of parts for design, etc. E. A. Arkin to the detriment of the facts is looking for unity where the clear eye rushes difference. In this change in the nature of the toys of the child throughout human history, the actual story of the toy in its causal conditional history of the development of society, the history of the child's development in society is clearly reflected.

True, E. A. Arkin writes not about all toys, but about toys called them the original toys, to which he relates:

a) sound toys - ratchets, buzzers, rambers puffs, etc.;

b) motor toys - top, ball, snakes, primitive Bilbok versions;

c) weapons, arrows, boomerangs, etc.;

d) shaped toys- images of animals and dolls;

e) the rope from which various, sometimes the most intricate figures.

First of all, it should be noted that the so-called initial toys have their own history of occurrence. It is clear that onions and arrows could only become toys after they appeared in society as an instrument of real hunting. Before the appearance of workers, demanding for their use of rotational movements, no toys given in motion in this way (buzzing, wolfs) could not be.

To analyze the process of occurrence of each of the "initial toys", there would be a special historical study, and then it would be clear that they were not at all "initiated", but arose at certain steps of the Company's development and that their occurrence was preceded by the invention by a person of the appropriate tools of labor. The history of the emergence of individual toys could be in such a study presented as a reflection of the history of the instruments of human labor and the objects of the cult.

All toys that E. A. Arkin refers to the "initial" in reality are a product of historical development. However, since arising at a certain historical stage of the development of human society, they did not disappear along with the disappearance of those to the guns whose copies they are. Onions and arrows have long disappeared as the guns of hunting and replaced by firearms, but they remained in the world of children's toys. Toys live longer than the tools of labor, the images of which they are, and it impresses their immutability. Such toys really froze in their development and retained their original appearance. However, these toys have no history only with external, purely phenomenological examination of them as physical items.

If you consider a toy in its functions, you can say with complete confidence that the so-called initial toys during the history of human society radically changed their function, becoming a new attitude towards the process of child's development.

The study of historical toys is a rather difficult task: first, the archaeological toy says nothing to the researcher about its use by the child; Secondly, at present, some toys, even among the peoples standing at the lowest levels of social development, have lost direct relationship with labor tools and items and have lost their initial function.

We give only a few examples. In the early stages of the development of society, a person used to extract the fire by friction of one piece of tree about another. Continuous friction is best ensured by the rotation, which was achieved by means of devices in the form of a variety of drills. The peoples of the Far North for fastening the nart had to drill a lot of numerical holes. Drilling also required continuous rotation. According to the testimony of A. N. Reinson-Praddina (1949), small wooden drills with a primitive device of a bow - from a lace chopstick, which can lead in motion children and are still among children's toys of the peoples of the Far North. Training in continuous rotation was necessary, as the child owning this skill easily mastered the instruments of labor with the required skill.

Such training could be made not only on a small model of a drill, but also on its modified variants. The modified variants of the drill were the Kubari, which there is nothing but a drill leading in motion is not on beaten, and with your fingers so, if you remove the drill with your fingers, then it is a simple thumb with a slightly elongated wand.

Another variant of the drill was buzzing, in which continuous rotation was achieved by a special skill stretch and release a swirling rope. Thus, a variety of cubaries and buzzings were modified drills, acting with which children acquired technical skills to produce rotational movements necessary to work with a drill. The toy and child activity with it were at this stage by modifying the tools of labor and activities with him adults and stood in direct attitude to the future activities of the child.

There were centuries, tools and methods of obtaining fire and drilling holes have changed significantly. Kubari and buzzings are no longer worthwhile in direct attitude towards the work of adults and the future work of the child. And for the child, they are no longer reduced drills and do not even depict them. Kubari and buzzing turned from "shaped toys" in "Motor" or "sound", according to the terminology of E. A. Arkina. However, the actions with them still continue to be supported by adults, and they still have among children. Actions with these toys turned from the training specific, almost professional skills in forming some common motor or visual motor functional systems.

It is interesting to note that in order to cause and maintain the manipulation of these toys, you have to resort to special tricks, to invent the buzzing and musical wipes, etc., i.e., give them additional properties. It can be assumed that the mechanism causing and maintaining actions with these, only due to the same, the toys fundamentally changed. Always these toys are entered into children's life with adults showing actions with them. However, if earlier at the stage, when these toys were reduced models of adult guns, the actions with them were supported by the "toy toy" attitude, now that there is no such relationship, the manipulation of them is supported by an indicative reaction to novelty. Systematic exercise is replaced by episodic use.

Similarly, the process of developing games with a rope occurs. At that stage in the development of society, where knotting and weaving were essential elements of adults, these exercises that exit both among children and among adults were supported by the needs of the Company, were directly related to the weaving networks, etc. Currently they They were degenerated into purely functional, developing thin movements of fingers, and entertaining: they are extremely rare and not in direct communication with the work of adults.

Especially clearly visible the process of changing and developing a "initial toy", like onions and arrows. Hunting tribes and peoples that stood at relatively low levels of development, onions and arrows were one of the main hunting tools. Onions and arrows became the property of a child from an early age. Gradually complicating, they became in the hands of a child with the most genuine weapon, the adaptation for its independent activities, with the help of which it can produce small animals (chipmunks, protein) and birds, tells A. N. Rinson-Pravdin (1948). The child, shot from Luke in the little animals and birds, was aware of himself by the future hunter, the same as his father; Adults looked at the child shooting from the bow as a future hunter. The child was mastered onions, and adults were extremely interested in the child to owner this to the gun perfectly.

But the firearm appeared. Onions still remain in the hands of children, but now the action with it is not directly related to the methods of hunting, and the exercises with a bow are used to develop some qualities, for example, the accuracy of the hunter, which uses and fireplan. In the course of development, the human society hunting is inferior to his leading place to other types of work. Children are less and less like a bow as a toy. Of course, in our modern society you can meet onions and some children can even get involved in shooting from it. However, the exercises of a modern child with a bow do not occupy the place in his life that they occupied in the life of a child of the Society of Primitive Hunters.

Thus, the so-called initial toy only in external visibility remains unchanged. In fact, she, like all other toys, occurs and historically changes; Its history is organically connected with the history of the child's place in society and outside this story cannot be understood. Error E. A. Arkina is that he was isolated by the story of the toy from the history of its owner, from the history of its function in the development of the child, from the history of the child's place in society. Allowed this error, E. A. Arkin came to anti-historical conclusions, not confirmed by facts from the history of the toy.

2. The historical origin of the deployed form of game activity

The question of the emergence of the role-playing game during the historical development of society is one of the most difficult for research. For such a study, on the one hand, data on the place of the child in society at various stages of historical development, on the other hand about the nature and content of children's games at the same historical stages. Only from the correlation of the child's life in society with his games can be understood by the nature of the latter.

Data on the development and life of the child and its games in the early stages of the development of society are extremely poor. None of the ethnographers at all set themselves the task of such a study. Only in the 30s of our century, special research of Margaret MFA, dedicated to children of New Guinea tribes, in which there are materials about the lifestyle of children and their games. However, the work of this research was devoted to some special issues (about children's animism, sexual maturation in a society standing at a relatively low level of development, etc.), which naturally determined the selection of material. Data that are scattered from countless ethnographic, anthropological and geographical descriptions, are extremely sketchy and fragmented. In some, there are instructions on the lifestyle of children, but there are no guidance on their games; In others, on the contrary, it is tested only about games. In some studies, a colonial point of view has been carried out so clearly, in favor of the researchers in every way tried to impress the level of mental development of children of oppressed peoples, which these data cannot be considered any reliable. The correlation of the existing materials about children with the life of society is also difficult, as it is often difficult to determine at what stage of social development was in the period of description, something or another tribe, a community. Difficulties are exacerbated by the fact that, being approximately at the same level in public development, they can live in completely different conditions, and these conditions, in turn, undoubtedly affect the lives of children in society, their place among adults, and thus on the nature of their games. With respect to early periods of human society, M. O. Zenn writes. "There can be no question of the actual approximation to the initial point of development of humanity or, as expressed, to the zero point of human culture. Here are only more or less permissible hypotheses, more or less successful approximations to the hidden it is forever the riddle of our past "(1927, p. 5). Even more this applies to the study of the child and his life in the conditions of primitive society. Our task is to answer, albeit hypothetically, at least two questions. Firstly, there always existed a role-playing game, or was such a period in the life of society, when this form of the game did not exist in children, secondly, with which changes in the life of the society and the situation of the child in society the appearance of the role-playing game may be connected. We cannot directly trace the process of the role-playing game. The existing very stingy data allow you to schedule only in the most general features of the hypothesis about the emergence of the role-playing game, establish, and then only approximately, the historical conditions under which the need for this peculiar form of child's life in society has appeared. In our study, we did not exhaust all the available materials and give only those that are sufficient to form our assumption, leaving aside their diversity.

The question of the historical appearance of the game is closely related to the nature of the education of the younger generations in societies at the lowest levels of development of production and culture. R. Alt (K. An, 1956) on the basis of extensive materials indicates the presence of the initial unity of labor activities and education, that is, on the non-education of education as a special social function. In his opinion, the following features are characterized to raise children in the early steps of the development of society: first, the same education of all children and the participation of all members of the Society in the upbringing of each child; Secondly, the comprehensiveness of the upbringing - every child should be able to do everything that adults can do and take part in all sides of the life of society, the member of which he is; Thirdly, the short-term recruitment period, children already at an early age know all the tasks that the life puts, they become early become independent of adults, their development ends earlier than in the later stages of social development.

The main factor that has an impact on the development of children, R. Alt considers the direct participation of children in the life of adults: the early inclusion of children in productive labor associated with a low level of development of productive forces; Participation of children together with adults in dancing, holidays, some rituals, celebrations and rest. Pointing to the game as a means of upbringing, R. Alt notices that where the child can take part in the work of adults without much preliminary training and learning, there he does it. In the same place where it is not, the child "grows" into the world of adults through gaming activities, which reflects the life of society. (There is already a hint of the historical appearance of the game and its connection with the change in the situation of the child in society). Thus, the position of the child in society in the earliest levels of development is characterized primarily by the early inclusion of children into the productive work of adult members of society. Than on an earlier stage of development, society is, the earlier children are included in the productive work of adults and become independent manufacturers.

In the earliest historical periods of society, children lived with adults with a common life. The educational function has not yet highlighted as a special social function, and all members of the Society made education of children whose main task was to make children with participants in social productive labor, to transfer them the experience of this work, and the main tool - the gradual inclusion of children in the forms of adults affordable to them. Primitive strolling collectors, according to Voln's testimony (\\ y. WO1G, 1925), a message, women, women and children, are moving from place to place in search of edible fruits and roots. By ten years, girls become mothers, and the fathers' boys and begin to conduct an independent lifestyle. Describing one of the most primitive groups of people on Earth, M. Zenin points out that the people of Cuba has a minor cell, the main occupation - the gathering of fruits and roots; The main tool, which is a split bamboo barrel with a naturally pointed end, which serves to dig roots and tubers, the only weapon is a wooden spear with a tip of acute bamboo sick; Utensils of coconuts and hollow bamboo trunks. M. Zenn writes: "Children stay with their parents and go to them together in search of food until 10-12 years. From this age, both boys and girls are already considered independent and able to arrange their destiny and their future from now on they begin to wear a bandage that hides the genitals. During the parking lot, they construct a separate hut next to the parent. But they are looking for food independently and eaten separately. The relationship between parents and children is gradually weakening, and often children are separated and begin to live independently in the forest "(1927, p. 38) Already in the earliest ethnographic and geographical descriptions of Russian travelers, there are instructions for the collection of young children to fulfill labor duties and the inclusion of them in productive work adults. So, Novitsky in his description of the Ostsatsky people belonging to 1715 g, wrote: "It is generally a single needlework, the shooting of the beast (kill), catching birds, fish, they can impregnate themselves. Sybo it is hetrositten and hell is studying and gentle from the junior nails to the shooting of onions kill the beast, to catch birds, fish (teach them) "(1941, p. 43).

S. P. Krasheninnikov, describing his journey through Kamchatka (1737-1741), notes about the koreas: "In total, the people are worthy of this, the fact that they are children who are too much overly, but the extent is learned to learn; What for the sake of the sake of and containing them is not better than the hills, send along the firewood and on the water, order to wear gravity, the mouth of deer herds and the other, the like, do "(1949, p. 457). V. F. Zuev, who visited Obski people in 1771-1772, wrote about the children of Ostyakov and Samoyedov: "With young more years, small guys have long become accustomed to carry all difficulty, as can be seen from the coarse live, which is neither little nor in What is the case in regret. It is true that this people are born to suffering the works of unsuccessful and, indeed, if they were not accustomed to Sysman, then there would be few fathers to see the sons of great assistants and to suffering the works of amazing assistants. Only a boy will begin to have a little concept, then the mother or nanny is not different than Torshit, as the thoroughness of the brush theater, and when to go start, then his father and bow prepares. I saw little guys in my Ostachatkaya Yurt's passage, which would be risen in a simple evening between the game without a bow, but usually either on the trees, or something on the ground shoot. There are ripes around their yurts, there are constipation; And it seems that their toys already foreshadowed their toys. And is it possible to look at Yez, through some river made, you can not see that ever the old people with Vajans were sitting, except for small guys, and the big themselves swim along rivers or with non-flames, or with caldans and recesses, where Already small or unable, or not understand, it is impossible to sleep "(1947, p. 32-33).

Famous Russian explorer of Papuans II. II. Miklukho-Maklai, who has lived in their environment, writes about Papua Russian children: "Children are usually cheerful, crying and shouting rarely, father, and sometimes the mother treat them very well, although the mother usually treats children less gentle than father. In general, Papuans love for children is very strong. I have seen them even toys that the savages are not often found, it is like Something like Kubares, small boats that children are allowed on the water, and many other toys. But early the boy accompanies his father to plantation, in the wandering, but the forest and on fishing trips. The child will already in childhood learns practically its future classes and also becomes a serious and careful boy. I often had to see a comical scene, as a small boy of about four preserved the fire, I wore firewood, soap dishes, helped the father to clean the fruits, and then suddenly threw out, ran to the mother, sitting squatting for some work, grabbed her chest and Despite resistance, it was accepted sucking. Here everywhere common is common to feed your breasts for a very long time "(1451, p. 78).

In the descriptions of N. N. Miklukho-Maclay there is an indication of the participation of children not only in domestic labor, but also in more complex forms of collective productive work adults. So, describing the processing of the soil, he writes, "work is done in this way: two, three or more men become in a row, deeply stick to the pointed stakes (stakes - strong, long sticks, poked from one end, they are working, because when working with This to the gun requires a lot of strength) to the ground and then with one silence raise a greater block of land. If the soil is hard, then in the same place stuck seoles twice, and then they already raise the ground. Behind men followed women who crawl on her knees and holding their stakes tightly in both hands (cake-saber-small narrow blades for women), grind up the earth raised by men. They are followed by children of different ages and rub the earth with their hands. In such a manner, men, women and children handle the entire plantation "(1951, p. 231). From this description, it is clear that in the society of Papuans there was a natural age-related sexual separation, in which all members of society took part, including children, except the smallest. Pointing to a very common love among the natives to educate others, which is very vividly noticeable even in children, N. N. Miklukho-Maclay explains its origin: "This is noticeable even in children: many times small children, six or seven times, showed me how they do something or another. This happens because parents are very early to teach children to practical life; So, being very small, they have already seen and even learned more or less all the arts and actions of adults, even those that are not at all approaching their age. Children play a little: the game of boys is in throwing sticks like copies, in archery, and as soon as they make small successes, they apply them in practical life. I have seen the boys very small, spending whole clock by the sea, trying to get out of the bow into some fish. The same thing happens with the girls, and even more because they begin to engage in the economy and are made by the assistants of their mothers "(1951, p. 136). We were so in detail the data on N. N. Miklukho-Maclay because evidence of this prominent Russian humanist for us is especially valuable for our undoubted and complete objectivity. Similar instructions for early participation of children in the work of adults are also in a number of other authors. So, J. Vanyan in his work on the history of Aztec writes: "The upbringing began after being taken from the chest, t. e. On the third year of his life. The purpose of the upbringing was to introduce a child as soon as possible in a circle of those skills and duties, of which there was a use of adults. As everything was done with manual labor, the children had the opportunity very early to join adult activities. Fathers watched the training of sons, mother taught daughters. Up until the sixth year, their upbringing was limited only to morals and tips, they traveled to the domestic utensils and carried out minor work on the house. " "Such education is continuing the authorship immediately introduced the younger generation to the houses" (1949, p. 87). A. T. Bryant, who lived among Zulus around half a century, also indicates the early inclusion of children in a productive work together with adults: "Who came out of children's age, that is, he counted six years, be something a boy or a girl, equally obliged to work and unquestioned carry out charged work; Boys under the leadership of the Father, girls - under the supervision of the mother "(1953, p. 123). Bryant indicates a number of works that are the function of children. "Six-seven-year-old kids drove out in the mornings on the mug of calves and goats, older guys" (ibid, p. 157). With the onset of spring "Women and children wandered through the meadows in search of edible wild herbs" (ibid, p. 184). During the ripening of spicy crops, when the crops were hazardous from the birds, "women and children were forced to spend the whole day, from sunrise and before sunset, on the field, distinguishing the birds" (ibid, p. 191).

Many Soviet researchers of the peoples of the Far North also indicate the early inclusion of children in the work of adults and special teaching to work. So, A. G. Bazanov and N. G. Kazansky write: "From very early years, mansian children are drawn into fisheries. They barely go, and parents already take them into the boat. And as soon as they begin to grow up, small oars are often made for them, they teach the boat to drive, teach to the life of the river "(1939, p. 173). In another work, A. G. Bazanov writes: "The Vogulian child has just managed to knock for 5-6 years, and he already runs up with a bow and arrows near Yurt, hunts the birds, produces a fraction. The hunter wants to be. From 7-8 years of Vogul guys begin to gradually take into the forest. In the forest, they are involved, how to find a squirrel, muffuhar, how to handle a dog, where and how to put slopes, chigany, cacks. If the native grows for slings to slings, then the son will stand it out the cauldrops to the slopes, breaks down the soil, suits the bait, puts the sandbook, pebbles, berries here (1934, p. 93). Children, even the youngest, are passionate hunters and, coming to school, have tens of protein and chipmunks on their account. A. G. Bazanov, describing fishing, very well noted the basic principle of education under these conditions: "We were four adults and the same number of little children ... We went to the speaker with the sharp of the sandy cape and, put in two rows, began Choose on the land of the nem. In the middle between us stood kids. They also cling to tanned handms for the edges of the non-Eynema and helped to transfer it to the boat. " "My conductor - Zyryanin, - continues A. G. Bazanov, - Committee shouted from the guys:" Do not pushe under your feet. " Old Vogul looked at him angrily, shook his head. And then I noticed: "It is impossible, it is impossible. Let the children make everything we do "(ibid., P. 94). Mr. Elders indicates that "for 6-7 years, children are involved to rule the deer and catch their arcans" (1930, p. 96). S. N. Stebnitsky, describing the life of Koryatsky children, writes: "In economic life, the independence of children is especially manifested. There are a number of economic industries and works, the execution of which is entirely on children. " "S. N. Stbnitsky is indicated on the children," there is also a harvesting of firewood. In any frost and bad weather, the boy must harm the remaining dogs of the dogs, sometimes kilometers for ten for firewood. " "Girls," continues S. N. Stebnitsky, "includes all this work playing. First they will give a loskutok, a stupid knife, broken needle, then take it for the real, do not know, then acquires skills and imperceptibly it is drawn up in the age of the female strap "(1930, p. 44-45).

We will not multiply examples, for and the materials of the materials are sufficient to show that in a society standing at a relatively low level of development, with a primitive labor organization, children are very early to be in productive work adults, taking place in it. It happens in the same way as in the patriarchal peasant family, in which, according to K. Marx, "sex differences and age, as well as the natural working conditions change to the time of the year, regulate the distribution of labor among family members and the working time of each individual member. But the cost of individual workers, measured by time, from the very beginning it acts here as a social definition of the work itself, since individual workers of the Force function from the very beginning here only as the organs of the aggregate labor labor. " The employment of mothers and the early inclusion of children in the work of adults lead to the fact that, firstly, in primitive society there is no sharp face between adults and children, and, secondly, to the fact that the children become very early to become truly independent. It emphasizes almost all researchers. So, for example, S. N. Stebnitsky writes: "In general, I must say that there is no sharp separation for children and adults. Children are equal and equilibrium members of society. Behind the overall conversation, their words are also listened as carefully as the speech of adults. " The largest Russian ethnographer L. Ya. Sternberg also indicates the equality of children and adults among the peoples of Northeast Asia. "A civilized person is difficult to even imagine what a feeling of equality and respect reigns here in relation to young people. Teens 10-12 years feel completely equal members of society. The deepest and honorable elders with the most serious attention listened to their replicas, answer them with the same seriousness and politeness as their own peers. No one feels a difference of years, they provisions "(1933, p. 52). Early independence, as a characteristic feature of children living in primitive society, are indicated by other authors. The specified characteristic features of a child living in a primitive society, its early independence and the absence of a sharp face between children and adults are a natural consequence of the living conditions of these children, their real place in society.

Whether the role-playing game in children at that stage of the development of society, when the tools of labor were still quite primitive, the division of labor was based on natural age-sex, children were equal members of the Company who participated in general work in accordance with their (K. Marx, F . Engels. Op., Vol. 23, p. 88) opportunities? There are no accurate data on children's games at this level of society. Ethnographers and travelers who described the life of peoples close to this level of development indicate that children play a little, and if they play, then in the same games as adults, and their games are not role-playing. So, D. Levingston, describing the life of one "from Negritanian tribe-bachekalhari, notes:" I have never seen their children playing "(1947, p. 35). N. N. Miklukho-Maclay also talks about the children of Papuans, What "children play a little" (1951, p. 136). A. T. Bryant, who lived fifty years among Zulusov, in the already mentioned work describes a number of Games of Zulusskikh children, but there is not a single role game among them. M. MF . Mead, 1931), which described the life of children in the society of primitive fishermen in Melanesia, on one of the islands of the Admiralty Archipelago, says that the children of the people of Papua are allowed to play all day, but their game resembles the game of small puppies and kittens. According to M. MID, These children do not find adults in the lives of such samples, who would have the admiration and the desire to imitate them. She emphasizes that in the public organization adults, children do not find interesting samples for their games. Only by chance and very rarely, once a month, we managed observe a imitative game in which We played scenes from the life of adults, for example, the payment of redemption for the bride when making a marriage or distribution of tobacco on remembered rites. Such games the author observed only 3-4 times. The author at the same time indicates a lack of imagination in these games. Although, according to the author, children have all the possibilities for playing role-playing games (a lot of free time, the ability to observe the life of adults, rich vegetation, giving a lot of all possible material for the game, etc.), they never play scenes from the life of adults , never imitate in your games or return adults with successful hunting, nor their ceremonies, nor their dance, etc. Thus, as shown by the above materials, in children living in society, standing on a relatively low level of development, role-playing games not. This provision should not lead to the conclusion about the low level of the mental development of children, the absence of their imagination, etc. p., According to some researchers. The absence of role-playing games is generated by the special situation of children in society and does not at all indicate a low level of mental development. Kids living in conditions primitive society , so far behind its peers- children of modern society in the development of role-playing games, how superior to their independence, participation in the work of adults and related mental abilities: "General conditions of primitive education and that independence, the families of whose childhood takes place, - writes M. O. Sospenz, - should explain the wonderful ability to rapid development and special gifts that children behind the backward tribes and nationalities in colonial schools. The jump from the primitiveness to civilization is extremely easy for them "(1953, p. 140). Primitive guns and forms of labor provide him with the possibility of developing early independence, generated by the requirements of society, direct participation in the work of adult members of society. It is quite natural that children are not exploited, and their work is of the nature of the satisfaction of naturally emerging, social needs by their nature. There is no doubt that in the fulfillment of their employment duties, children make specific children's features, maybe even enjoying the labor process itself, and in any case, experiencing a sense of satisfaction and related pleasure from the activities carried out with adults and as adults. This is the more likely that, according to the testimony of most researchers, education in primitive society, harsh in content, is extremely soft in shape. Children are not punishable and in every way they have a cheerful, cheerful, cheerful state. However, the passion for the labor process itself, joyful mood and the experienced sense of satisfaction and pleasure do not turn these, let the most primitive and simple forms of child labor in the game. In the conditions of primitive society, with its relatively primitive means and forms of labor, even small children, starting from three to four years, could take part in simple forms of household work, in the gathering of edible plants, roots, larvae, snails, etc., In primitive fishing, simple baskets or even hands, in the hunt for small animals and birds, in primitive forms of agriculture. Children from the Society The requirement of independence has found a natural form of implementation in collaboration with adults. The direct links of children with the whole society carried out in the process of general labor, excluded any other forms of communication of the child and society. At this stage of development and with this position of the child in society there was no need for reproduction of labor and relations between adults in special conditions, there was no need for a role-playing game. The transition to higher forms of agriculture and cattle breeding, the complication of fisheries and hunting methods, their transition from passive to more and more active forms was accompanied by the displacement of gathering and primitive forms of hunting and fisheries. Together with the change in the nature of production, a new division of labor was also occurring. "Production development," P. Sosin, - expressed in the transition to plow agriculture, and the emergence of cattle breeding led to the most important socio-economic result, which Engels called the first major public division of labor, namely the separation between farmers and cattlemen with all the consequences from here , in particular, the development of homemade crafts and regular exchange. These deepest changes led to the socio-economic result, which was expressed in a new division of labor on the floor, in changing the place of a man and a woman in public production. The separation of labor on the floor has developed and existed, having, as Engels says, "purely natural origin" in the matriarchy. Now it has acquired an incomparably deeper character and deeper social and economic significance. Cattle breeding has been made by a man belonging to a man. The changes in the overall economy have led to the allocation as a special industry for the production of a household, "which was the predominant area of \u200b\u200bthe woman's work" (1951, p. 84-85). Together with a change in the nature of production, a new distribution of labor in society was happening. In case of complication of funds and methods of labor and during its redistribution there was a natural change in the participation of children in different types Labor. Children ceased to be directly involved in complex and inaccessible forms of labor activities. For younger children, there were only some areas of household work and the most simple forms of production activities. Although at this stage of development, children are still equal members of society and participants in the activities of adults in some areas of their work activity, new features are scheduled in their position. Some of the materials already given by us (research materials of the peoples of the Far North) belong to this period of the development of society. Regarding the most important, but unavailable for children, the task of work in front of them is the task of possibly earlier mastering with complex instruments of such labor. The reduced tools of labor arise, specially adapted to children's capabilities, with which children exercise in the conditions approaching the conditions of real activities of adults, but not identical with them. What are these guns, depends on which industry is the main in this society. We present some of those related materials. The peoples of the Far North, the knife is a necessary tool of reindeer breeding, anglers. The handling of the knife is beginning to learn from the earliest childhood. N. G. Bogoraz-Tang writes. "Chukchi's childhood is very happy. Children are not shyless and not intimidated. Little boys as soon as they start tightly enough things, give a knife, and from that time they do not part with him. I saw one boy older cutting a tree with a knife; The knife was a little less than his own "(1934, p. 101). "Just like an adult hunter," writes A.N. Rinson Prime), "every boy has a belt to which a knife is attached on a chain or on the strap, not toy, but the most real, sometimes even very impressive sizes. Random cut only faster to teach the child to properly handle the most necessary weapon in life. The knife is needed for a boy and to eat, cut off a piece of meat, and in order to make a toy, ascending the arrow, contemplate the skin from the dead animal, etc. The same mandatory tool is for a boy and an ax ... a small knife, first on life The path of the child usually happens a mother's gift, he gets a big knife with a skillful handle from his father. Under such conditions, it is clear that in the toys of Obski children it is very difficult to find a knife or ax, toys built out of the table, which we often find in children of many peoples of this culture, where the child has no early teaching of the weapon (1948, with . 100). "The situation is the same and skiing. Completely tiny, "puppet" skis in the toys of children very rarely can be found. They have no need, as the child gets skis literally from the age when it is still learning to walk on the legs. " Next, he writes: "Children's skis are considered adult toy guys. Children arrange ski contests, many hunting games are held on skis. Mothers decorate skis with a small pattern, under the belt put color cloth, sometimes even paint skis in red. This emphasizes the game functions of ski-toys. Greater, the boy learns to make a skis himself, and preparing for the fishery, she cries his skis by Kamyes, that is, it lines the skin from his forehead and legs of a deer, as the elders do, for the hunting of distances. From this point on, the skiing is already ceased to be a toy "(1948, p. 198). We are completely incomprehensible to us why A. N. Rinson Provitin attributes a children's knife and children's skis to toys. The fact that the knife and skis are adapted to the possibilities of children are reduced and painted, does not give reason to attribute them to toys. The fact that the knife is cut into the kids toys, and on skis children can be played by competition, it also does not allow them to attach them to toys. These are not toys, but the binding items, the use of which the child must master perhaps before and which he grabs, practically using them as well as adults. To this common to all the peoples of the Far North, the tools that children should be mastered before, are added to hunting nations and arrows, fishing rods, in Olenevodov-Arkan. "Homemade Lukes, arrows and self-awakes, such as ancient Russian, round a number do not come out of the hands of the guys. It will break the only guys being taken to cut the other, "writes S. N. Stebnitsky. In the dressage they reached great perfection. Here it is necessary to rank and the so-called Rouch, that is, the strap, with the help of which the stone is rushing. You can guarantee that you will not meet a single Koryatsky boy aged five to fifteen years, who would have dangled for the neck of this the most rush, allowed to do with any convenient and inconvenient case. Crows, forties, partridges, mice, hares, lambs, earthenware are inexhaustible material for hunting, and it must be said that the children for all this beast enemies are very dangerous. I had to see how any kid, shooting from his corea Luke, sank on the summer of the crow or from the pouch, killed the swinging on the waves of meters at 20-30 from the shore of the sea duck or Gagaru (1930, p. 45). "Willian child has just managed to knock on five to six years," A. G. Bazanov writes, "and he already runs with a bow and arrows, hunts to birds, produces the accuracy" (1934, p. 93). "Usually, the children's onions is made of one layer of wood. But while the child grows, the bow is altered several times taking into account childhood, - writes A. N. Rinson-Pravdin. Gradually becoming complicated, he becomes in the hands of a child with the most genuine weapon, adapted for its independent activity, with the help of which he can produce small animals and birds "(1949, p. 113). "In children of nomads," says S. N. Stebnitsky, "the fourth-Arkan is added to the three listed types of primitive weapons, the same unchanged satellite, like the rush. They can not pass by a cassier, any extreme above the ground, past the bush, at least the tip sticking out from under the snow, without having experienced the accuracy of his hand. This is how the amazing accuracy of which Koryatsky shepherds are unmistakably caught out of the ever-heavenly herd of the deer, which is necessary for a trip or meat "(1931, p. 46). Art quickly and deftly arcane is not purchased immediately, "writes Rinson-Pravdin," they gradually master them, learning to handle tonssee from the earliest childhood. Therefore, among fishing toys, acquainting children with reindeer herding, the Arcan takes a great place. The dimensions of the lung tonsis are the most diverse: 0.5 m, 1 m, 2 m or more. Tynese, as well as the onion grows with the child as the last agility and skill accumulate. Children's arcans are twisted from the urine (for small), for seven-year-old and older children make belts, like adults. Games with arcane for children are no less interesting and effective than games with onions and arrows. The kids arkanate first long narrow hemps, then go to the moving celibe, try to drag the dog or catch young calves of deer "(1448, p. 209).

Peoples, the main fishery of which are fishing, children are as early as the fishing rods and catch small fish, gradually moving to the commercial fishing together with adults through other, more complex fish guns. Thus, the knife and ax, skiing, onions and arrows, arcanes and rods, all this in a reduced scale, adapted to children's hands, is very early to use the child and children under the leadership of adults are seized by the use of these guns. Of particular interest for consideration of the question of interest to us has the analysis of the functions of the doll, which is in children of almost all peoples at this stage in public development.

Interesting materials on this issue are contained in the works of Soviet researchers, the extreme north. N. G. Bogoradan, describing the dolls of Chukchi girls tells "Chukchi dolls depict people, men and women, but only more than children, especially breastless. Their magnitude is almost the same as cultural children. They are sewn rather similar to reality and filled with sawdust, which, with each accident, be saturated. These dolls are considered not only toys, but in part and patrons of female fertility. Going married a woman takes his dolls with him and hides them into the bag at that corner, which is under the headboard, in order to influence them to get children rather. You can not give to someone a doll, because with this will be given a deposit of family fertility. But when the mother rummaged daughters, she gives them to play their dolls and trying to divide them between all the daughters. If the doll is alone, then she is given to the elder daughter, and for the rest they make new ones. There are thus dolls that are moving from the mother to the daughter for several generations - every time in a corrected and renewed form "(1934, p. 49). Thus, N. G. Bogoradan allocates a special function of the doll - the function of the protection of the genus, the doll was supposed to provide a fertility girl and prosperous childhood in the future. The manufacture of dolls, therefore, the character of a special occupation P. M. Oberetler describes the work on the manufacture of dolls: "The process of manufacturing dolls is peculiar. Usually in the family in every woman, and from a certain age and the girl has a fur, beautifully ornamented bag, or a bark box, where the loskuts of skin trimming, beads, etc., all this material also serves to firmware dolls. Dolls are sewn with a big hunt and mainly in the summer, usually in the second half of the day, when girls are free from homework. If the family is great, then girls are joined to the sewing mother and the dolls begin to sew. Sometimes others join the girls of one family, and then the work becomes common (1935, p. 46). According to P. M. Obraletler dolls are made mainly by girls of different ages, starting with preschool and ending with adolescent age inclusive. In connection with the consideration of the question of the meaning of dolls among the toys of girls A.N. Rinson-Pravdin, along with the function of protection of the genus, it also distinguishes its other function- labor. Through the sewing of the doll, the girl gets extremely important for women of the peoples of the Far North Savings Sewing Clothes. S. N. Stebnitsky Indicates that the teaching of Koryatsky girls to sewing begins very early: "I don't have to forget that the girl at the Obian peoples - writes A. N. Rinson- Pravdin, - had a short childhood ending to 12-13 years old In which she was married, and that for this short period of childhood, she had to master a number of skills: the release of deer beds, kamys, suede, bird and animal skins, fish skin, sewing clothes and shoes, weaving the mats from grass, church utensils, and in many areas and weaving (1948, p. 281). It is quite natural that learning all these skills began very early and passed in two ways. On the one hand, how this is indicated by a number of authors, the girls early were included in the work of their mothers, they helped them in cooking, nounted with babies, participated in purely female fishers: billery of berries, nuts, roots, on the other hand, making doll farm, Mainly, the wardrobe (on the wealth and quality of which the future husband judges how much the future wife and mother took possession of all the women's skills and is ready for a marital life), served as a school of learning sewing skills.

Dolls of children of the peoples of the Far North, assembled in museums clearly testify to which extent perfection reach girls in the manufacture of a puppet wardrobe and, therefore, the perfection is achieved in the manufacture of clothes, shoes, in general, in the use of the needle and knife. Thus, the doll, being the subject of constant care from the side of girls, like a guardian of the generic functions of the future woman, served from early childhood to teach management and sewing. Thus, the development of production, the complication of the tools of labor led to the fact that before participating in the jointly with adults the most important and responsible work activities, children were to master these instruments of labor, learn their use. It is quite natural that the age of incorporating children into socio-productive work adults gradually increased. When children were involved in the forms of productive work adults, depended above all, on the degree of complexity. "Primorsky Chukchi, boys begin to make a much later different workthan in reindeer breeders. When they take them to the seaside hunt, they are rather a hindrance than help. The young man does not take part in a serious hunt until sixteen-seventeen years. Up to this age, he can shoot from a rifle in the seal only from the shore or help when installing sealing networks on ice fields of the so-called coastal soldering "- writes N. G. Bogoradan (1934, p. 103).

Olenevodov and other cattle and other cattle peoples include adult cattle times a little earlier. Mr. Startsev reports that "with 6-7 years old, children are involved to rule the deer and catch them with arkans. From ten years, boys can graze whole herds of deer, and they catch the partridges and other game and animals. From 13-15 years, children become real employees "(1930, p. 98). A knife and ax, onions and arrows, arcanes, rods, needles, scrapers and the like tools are tools, mastering which is necessary for the child to take part in the work of adults. Children, of course, cannot independently open ways to eat these instruments of labor, and adults learn them, show ways of action with them, indicate the nature of the exercises, control and evaluate the success of children in mastering these necessary guns. There is no school with its system, organization and program. Adults put the task of mastering these necessary guns before children. Children seek to learn how to shoot from Luke, throw the Arcan, to own a knife and an ax, needle and a scraper, etc. Just as their fathers, mothers, senior sisters and brothers do. Of course, such training did not matter the nature of systematic learning "to all subjects", but it was special training caused by the needs of society. Maybe the children were introduced into the process of mastering these instruments of adults, some game moments - a passion for the process of activity, joy from their success and achievements, etc., but this did not turn this activity aimed at mastering ways of action with workers in labor, in The game, and the reduced tools, to the toys, as A. N. Rinson-Pravdin thinks. Unlike the process of mastering the instruments of labor that happens with the direct participation of the child in the productive work of adults, here this process is highlighted in special activities carried out in conditions other than those in which productive work occurs. Little Nenets, Future Olenevod, learns to own Arkan not in the flock of deer, directly participating in his guard. Little Evenk, the future hunter, learns to own onions and arrows not in the forest, participating in the real hunt together with adults. Children learn to throw the Arcan or shoot from Luke first on a fixed subject, then gradually go to shooting on moving targets and only after that go to the hunt for birds and animals or to scaring dogs or calves. Gradually change the tools, turning from the reduced, adapted to child forces, in those used by adults, and exercise conditions are increasingly approaching the conditions of productive labor. Having mastered ways to use tools of labor and acquiring adult abilities necessary for participation in labor, children are gradually included in the productive work of adults. It can be assumed that in these exercises with reduced tools there are some elements of the gaming situation. First, this is some conditionality of the situation in which the exercise occurs. Poek, sticking in the tundra, not real shadow; And the goal in which the boy shoots is not a real bird or a beast. These conventions are gradually replaced by real hunting or fishing facilities. Secondly, carrying out an action with a reduced tool of labor, the child produces an action similar to the one that produces adult, and, therefore, there is reason to assume that it compares, and maybe identifies himself with an adult hunter or a reindeer girl, with his father or senior brother.

Thus, these exercises may contain the role-playing elements. In this regard, I would like to note that in general there is any action with the subject that the child is mastered by the sample proposed by adults, dual in nature. On the one hand, it has its own operating and technical side containing the orientation on the properties of the subject and the conditions of action, on the other hand, it is a publicly developed method of carrying out an action, the carrier of which is an adult, and thus leads to the identification of the child with adults. The requirements that society poses in relation to the use of the necessary tools of labor and closely related to these abilities, the future hunter, livestoth, fisherman or agriculture, lead to a whole system of exercises. It is on this basis that the soil will be created for various kinds of competition. There is no fundamental difference in the content of these competitions between adults and children. On the identity of games of adults and children, with meaning competitions or sports mobile games with rules, indicates a number of authors.

So, for example, N. I. Karuzin says: "Children play the same games as adults" (1890, p. 33). Mr. Startsev, describing the life of Samoyloov, cites examples of such general and identical games: "Favorite game is distillation. Adult women and men become in a row and must run the distance of often more than 1 kilometer to the conventional place. Who will come running, he is considered won, and they are talking about him like a good runner. Children, he especially serves as a beloved theme in a conversation, and they themselves, imitating adults, arrange the same run. " "Competitions in shooting, - continues G. Startsev, is also a game, and men and women take part in it. Tagged arrows in honor. Children imitate adults, but exercise with onions and arrows. " Mr. Starters indicates the widespread of the game in a deer, in which adults and children are involved. One of the participants should catch the rest with the help of Arkana (see: 1930, p.141, etc.). E. S. Rubtsova indicates a wide spread of such players: "The harsh nature of Chukotka, as well as a severe winter ice hunt, with extremely primitive hunting equipment, demanded exceptional endurance from Eskimos. The older generation strictly insisted that young people trained in the development of power, speed of running, endurance and dexterity. Some physical exercises, developing strength and agility, have already begun to perform children of preschool age. Usually, the father or educator (adopted father) showed the boys some training reception. When was mastered by one reception, they were taught as follows. Some training techniques were performed and girls. In the long winter evenings, the children trained indoors. For the development of the speed of running in summer, the Eskimo-free days are arranged on the running (in a circle), in which both adults and children take part. Usually children are exercised separately from adults. In winter, they run in a circle, but in a straight line and between the boundaries installed for this purpose. The winner is the one who the most latter will remain on the treadmill.

I had to observe how children train in the development of force. We describe here one case. A group of children gathered in the front of Yarangi. There was a big, very heavy stone. Beginning of the workout lined up into one line and began to wear this stone from one wall to the other alternately. Each of them wore a stone back and forth to exhaustion. After all the children did it, they began to wear the same stone alternately. Around the YARANGi, and then in a straight line to a certain place. Since the main occupation of Eskimos is hunting, the elders are very early begin to accustom children to shooting from a gun. There are no cases when the eight-year-old boys shoot very much "(1954, p. 251). "Who was in the extreme north and watched the life and life of the inhabitants of his peoples, he could not not notice a big interest of both adults and children to various sports exercises and mass games," writes L. G. Bazanov. Describing the holiday "Deer Day", - This author writes: "At the celebration of hunters and reindeer breeders, adults and children, compete in running, fighting, throwing Tynesey, throwing the axis of the ax, hitting the disk in the deer horn, in the attack on Tõnzeye's horns" ( 1934, p. 12).

Allocation from the holistic labor activity of its individual parties and qualities (power, dexterity, endurance, accuracy, etc.), ensuring the success of not one of its species, but a number of production processes, was an important step for the whole case of educating the younger generations. It can be assumed that there are special exercises on this basis, aimed specifically on the formation of such qualities. Our task is not included with the consideration of the question of the historical emergence of sports games and competitions, as well as we do not touch the question about the connection of the content of these games with commercial activities, characteristic of a particular people or tribe. It is only important for us to indicate the relationship between the mastering of children with some workers and competitions in the ability to use them. The latter are extended to master the instruments of labor as a kind, repeated exam in which success in mastering one or another instrument of labor and the formation of related physical and mental abilities are subjected to a public assessment and verification.

As we have already noted, in the earliest levels of human society, the early inclusion of children in the work of adults leads to the development of the independence of children, implements directly by the public requirement of independence. At the next level of development, due to the complication of labor and closely related production relations, WHO picks up special activities for the mastery of children's instruments of adults. Throughout the development of the primitive community, adults were not able to pay a lot of time to special education and training their children. The requirement is possible earlier independence remains a basic requirement that places society to children. So, L. T. Bryant indicates "mothers had to perform the worst duties, and they lacked the lack of children. From four years, and even earlier, girls and boys, especially the last, were provided to themselves. In the crap and on the adjacent portion, the kids sought free and took care of themselves "(1953, p. 127). Such instructions for providing from a very early age to children of complete independence at the time of restructuring and even in concerns about their own impregnation in ethnographic literature a lot. Armed with reduced tools, which enjoy both adults provided by themselves, children all their free time spend in exercises with these weapons, gradually moving and use them in conditions approaching the working conditions of adults. Margaret Foreign Ministry says that children observed by her whole days were provided to themselves and knew how to take care of themselves. They have their kayaks, oars, bows and arrows. For all day, they roam along the lagoon groups, senior and younger together, compete in throwing darts, in the shooting of onions, in swimming, rowing, striking fights, etc. Boys older often go fishing among reed thickets. Training this lesson of small boys accompanying them (see M. Mead, 1931, p. 77-78).

N. Miller tells about his observations in the Marquisian Islands - as soon as the child becomes able to do without someone else's help, he leaves his parents and on the place elected to his own taste builds himself a hut from branches and leaves (see N. Miller, 1928, p. 123-124). E. A. Arkin cites the message of the display that "On the bank of Niger, he often saw children aged 6-8 years, which, leaving the parent house, lived independently built the huts themselves, hunted and caught fish and even performed some rough forms of cult ( 1935, p. 59).

Summarizing the ethnographic materials available on this issue, M. O. Cosin writes: "With an unusually early child, children, especially boys, are becoming largely independent, already from 3-4 years old, boys spend most of the time with their peers, begin to Its hunting, put the Western on birds, can already manage the boat, etc. At 6-8 years old, they often live almost completely independently, in a separate hut, they lead a more complex hunt, catch fish, etc.

In the hunt, children show a wonderful exposure and ingenuity. Here are two examples of the hunt of the little Peters of the Congo: lying on the back, they hold on the palm of the elongated hand a little grains and patiently wait for hours until the bird arrives to boke so that at the same moment hold it in her hand. Another example: to the tree branch on which the wing of the monkey is used, the rope is tied, the end of it holds one of the boys in the bottom. Having caught the moment when the monkey is going to jump on the attached branch, the boy pulls her down, and the monkey falls to the ground, where she is finished with small hunters "(1953, p. 149).

The requirement of independence for children from society at this stage of development is implemented not by participating in productive work along and together with adults, but by independent life, although separated from adults, but in its content identical with it and concluded first in conducting independent exercises With reduced labor tools, and then directly used in conditions, as close as possible with those in which they are consumed and adults. Therefore, all authors indicate that such an independent life is common mainly among the boys. This indirectly suggests that it seems that we are talking about societies who have passed to Patriarchate when women remained all his homework in which girls could be directly involved and thereby learn all women's work. The autonomy of girls was brought up, thus, by direct participation in the work of their mothers, more primitive according to the tools used and therefore more accessible. The boys did not have to take direct participation in the work of fathers, and therefore it was first of all that the requirement was addressed to them independently, through exercises to master the tools of labor used by their fathers. Independent life of children during this period was in self-mastery of work. Adults manufactured children a reduced tools of labor and showed them ways to eat. The children also practiced themselves and during the exercises perfectly mastered the tools.

It can be assumed that it is precisely for this period of life of society that the emergence of existing and dynamians in many nations standing at relatively low levels of development, initiation, which is simultaneously both the original school, and the independence exam and the ability to use tools, and adult to adult members of society.

We have given data on the absence of role-playing games in children growing in the societies of earlier development and development societies and to this period. And here in children the role-playing game in its unfolded form does not meet or occur very rarely. It has no public necessity. Children enter into the life of society under the leadership of adults or independently, the exercises in the use of adult tools, if they take the character of the games, then games of sports or competitions, but not role-playing. Recreation of adult activities In specially created play conditions, there is still no point in the force of identity tools that children with instruments of adults and gradual approximation of their use conditions for real working conditions are used. Children although they do not participate together with adults in labor, but they lead the same way of life as they are, only a few lightweight, but completely real conditions. At this stage of the development of society, they are still found, although very rare,. Already both role-playing games.

So, for example, I. N. Karuzin, describing the life of savages writes that children play the same games as adults, in addition, they have two more games, both imitated. One of them is to imitate wedding: the boy takes the girl and walks together around the table or around some post (if the game happens in the air), and the rest are standing around, and those who know how to sing words: "put the ESI, imposed ". Then, two sticks are put on the head instead of the crowns, sticks after children cost three times, removed and the bride is closed with a handkerchief. The boy leads the girl somewhere aside and kisses her. Then they are tied to the table and plant on an honorable place, the newlyweds sitting still covered with a handkerchief, tilting his head, young hugs her, sitting a little behind the table, or begin to the wedding of another nara, or, naturally, the newlyweds lay down together. This game is played by children 5-6 years old mostly before whose wedding and always secretly from parents, since the latter prohibit the children this game (see N. N. Karuzin, 1890, p. 339).

N. Miller in the already mentioned work results in a description of several games that can be found to Rolev. So, sometimes, six-year children build houses from sticks and play, as if working as a household. Very rarely, they are going for a love game, choosing couples, build houses, paying back to the redemption for the bride and even, imitating parents, fall together, cheek with cheek. The author indicates that young girls have no dolls and there is no habit of playing "babies." Wooden dolls proposed by children were accepted only by the boys who began to play with the orphanage them, wearing lubricated songs in the example of their fathers who are very gentle with their children.

Describing these games, M. Foreign Ministry repeatedly emphasizes that such games are extremely rare, and she managed to observe only single cases of such games. It is important to note that among those described there are no games depicting the labor life of adults, but the games are dominated in which the parties to life and relations between adults are reproduced, which are not available for the direct participation of children and are forgoing for them.

It can be assumed that role-playing roles arising at this stage are a special way to penetrate into unavailable for the direct participation of the life and attitude of adults.

In the later stages of the primitive-free building, there was a further development of the productive forces, the complication of labor instruments and the closely related further division of labor. The complication of labor instruments and related production relations should have affected the situation of children in society. Children gradually sacrificed from the complex and most responsible areas of adult activities. There was an increasing range of areas of employment in which they could participate together and along with adults. At the same time, the complication of labor instruments led to the fact that the children could not master them by exercises with the formations reduced by them. The instrument of labor with its decrease lost its basic functions, while maintaining only the external similarity with the instruments of labor used by adults. For example, if the reduced onions did not lose its main function, it was possible to release an arrow and get into the subject, then the reduced rifle became only an image of a gun, it was impossible to shoot it, and it was possible only to portray shooting (firearms penetrated sometimes Societies that stood at the level of the primitive community, during the colonization or in the process of exchange with Europeans). With a huge agriculture, the little hoe was still a hoe, which a child could disinite small lumps of the earth; She looked like a father's hoe or mother not only forms, but also a function. When moving to Plume farming, a small plow, no matter how much it looks like a real one with his details, lost the main functions: it is impossible to hover the bull and they can not be plowing. The game in the dolls common in our society is mainly among the girls, has always been brought as an example of manifestation in the Maternity instinct game. The above facts refute this point of view and show that this classic game of girls is not at all the manifestation of the parent instinct, but reproduces the public relations existing in this society, in particular, the public division of child care.

It is possible that it was at this stage of the development of society that the toy arises in his own sense of the word, as a subject, only depicting the tools of labor and household items from the life of adults. In the ethnographic literature there is a lot of instructions on the nature of role-playing games during this period. We only give the descriptions of some of them by borrowing these materials from N. Miller (N. Mi1eg, 1928). Children of Western Africa, writes N. Miller, make the similarity of banana fields from the sand. They dig holes in the sand and pretend that the banana is put on each of them. In South Africa, they build small houses in which they stay throughout the day. Girls put small light pebbles between two large and solid and rub them, like tormenting flour. Boys armed with little onions and arrows playing war, sneaking and attacking. Children of another people build a whole village with houses in 40-50 cm of height, burn fires in front of them, on which fish caught by them. Suddenly, one of them shouts: "Already night!", And all instantly fit to sleep. Then one of them imitates the crock of the rooster, and everyone wakes up again, and the game continues.

The peoples of New Guinea girls are building temporary asylums from old leaves. Near them they put plates with miniature clay pots. Pechers depicts a small child. It is put on the seashore, bathe, and then hold under fire for drying and applied to the mother's chest, it falls asleep. We will not multiply examples. Already from the above examples, it is clear that these role-playing games in which children reproduce not only the areas of unavailable adults for them, but also the areas of everyday work, in which children do not take direct participation.

It is impossible to accurately determine the historical moment when the role-playing game appears. It can be different from different peoples depending on the conditions for their existence and forms of transition of society from one stage to another, higher. It is important for us to establish the following. In the early stages of the development of human society, when the productive forces were still at the primitive level and the society could not feed their children, and the tools of labor allowed themselves directly, without any special training to include children in the work of adults, there were no special exercises in mastering workers of labor, nor Especially the role game. Children entered into the life of adults, mastered the instruments of labor and all relationships, taking direct participation in the work of adults.

At a higher degree of development, the inclusion of children in the most important areas of employment required special training in the form of mastering the simplest instruments of labor. This mastery of labor instruments began at a very early age and passed on the instruments reduced in their forms. Special exercises have arisen with these reduced labor instruments. Adults showed the samples of actions with them and watched the course of mastering these actions. Both children and adults treated these exercises extremely seriously, as they saw the direct links of these exercises with real employment.

After the period of mastering these guns, various depending on the complexity, the children were included in the productive work of adults. Only very conditionally these exercises can be called games. Further development of production, complication of labor instruments, the appearance of homemade craft elements, the emergence on this basis of more complex forms of labor separation and new production relations leads to the possibility of including children into productive labor even more complicated. Exercises with reduced labor tools become meaningless and mastering with complicated tools is moved to later age. At this stage of development, two changes arise simultaneously in the nature of the education and the process of forming a child as a member of society. The first of them is that some common abilities needed to master any tools (the development of visual-motor coordination, small and accurate movements, dexterity, etc.), and society creates special items to exercise these qualities. This or degraded, simplified and lost their initial functions of reduced labor tools that served at the previous ethane for direct training or even special items made by adults for children. Exercises with these items that cannot be called toys are shifted in earlier age. Of course, adults show the children ways of action with these toys. The second change lies in the appearance of a symbolic toy. With her help, children recreate those areas of life and production to which they are not yet included, but to which they strive.

Thus, it is possible to formulate the most important position for the theory of the role-playing game: role-playing game arises from the course of the historical development of society as a result of changing the place of the child in the system of public relations. She, therefore, is social in its origin, by nature. Its emergence is not connected with the action of any internal, innate instinctive forces, but with well-defined social conditions of the child's life in society.

Together with the emergence of the role-playing game, there is a new period in the development of a child, which can rightly be called a period of role-playing games and which in modern children's psychology and pedagogy is called the name of the preschool period of development. We have already given facts, quite convincingly showing that the complication of labor instruments with the inevitability led to the fact that the inclusion of children in the productive work of adults is moved over time. Childhood is lengthened. It is important to emphasize that this elongation occurs not by extinguishing the new period of development over the already existing, but by means of a peculiar inclusion of a new period of development, leading to a time shift up of the period of production to the produces of production. There is such a position in which the child cannot be learned by mastering the instruments of labor due to their complexity, as well as due to the fact that the emergence of labor separation creates the possibility of choosing future activities that are not determined by the development of parents. A peculiar period appears when children are provided by themselves. Children's communities arise, in which children live although liberated from concerns about their own food, but organically related to the life of society. In these children's communities, the game begins to dominate.

Analysis of the process of the role-playing game has led us to one of the central issues of modern children's psychology on the question of the historical origin of childhood periods and the content of mental development in each of these periods. This question goes far beyond the content of this book. We can only in general form to express the assumption that the periods of children's development seems to have their own history: historically arose and changed the processes of mental development occurring in certain temporary segments of childhood. The role-playing game, as we have already indicated, has a kind of game technique: the substitution of one object to other and conditional actions with these items. We do not know quite accurately as children seized this technique on those steps of the Company's development, when the game arose as a special form of the life of children. It is clear that this peculiar game technique could not be the result of the amateur creative ingenuity of children. Most likely they borrowed this technique from the dramatic art of adults, quite highly developed at this stage of the development of society. The ritual dramatized dances in which the conditional fine action was widely represented, extended in these societies, and the children were either direct participants, or the audience of these dances.

Therefore, there is therefore all the grounds to assume that the game technique was perceived by children from primitive forms of dramatic art. In ethnographic literature there is an indication that adults led by these games. True, these instructions include only games in the war, but it can be assumed that samples and other types of collective activities were proposed by adults. The hypothesis about the historical role of the role-playing game and the assimilation of its form is essential to criticize the biological concepts of children's game. The above facts show quite clearly that the game is social in origin. On the other hand, this hypothesis has an heuristic value for us, indicating the direction in which the sources of the role-playing game should be searched during the individual development of modern children.

Game and mental development

Finishing CN.: Elkonin D.B. Psychology of the game. M.: Pedagogy, 1978.

Long before the game became the subject of scientific research, it was widely used as one of the most important means of raising children. In the second chapter of this book, we put forward a hypothesis about the historical emergence of the game, tied it with a change in the situation of the child in society. The time when the upbringing was separated into a special social function, goes deep into the centuries, and the use of the game as a means of education goes into the same depths of centuries. In various pedagogical systems, the game was attached to a different role, but there is not a single system in which the place of the game was not given to one way or another. Such a special place of play in various education systems, apparently, was determined by the fact that the game in something consonant with the nature of the child. We know that it is not consonant with the biological, but the social nature of the child, an extremely early need for him to communicate with adults, turning into a tendency to live a common life with adults.

For younger ages, still in most countries of the world, the education of children before their receipt to school is a private business of the family, and the content and methods of education are transmitted by tradition. Of course, in individual countries, a lot of work is underway to educate parents, but it mainly focuses on food and hygienic care. Problems of pedagogy family education for preschool children are still not enough. And it is difficult to turn all parents in teachers who deliberately leading children's development processes into these most responsible periods of childhood.

As soon as issues of organized, focused, pedagogically expedient public education of children of the youngest age arise, so their decision faces a number of difficulties and economic and political nature. In order for society to take care of the upbringing of preschoolers, it should be primarily interested in the comprehensive education of everyone without exception.

In the premium of family education, there are only two types of activities that influence the processes of the child's development. This is, firstly, a variety of work forms in the family, secondly, a game in its most diverse forms. Labor is increasingly crowded from the life of a modern family, only some forms of household work remain in self-service. The game, like everything that is not difficult, is becoming the main form of the child's life, the universal and only spontaneously emerging form of education of children. A closed in a circle of family and family relationships, living within his children, a child, naturally, reflects in games mainly these relationships and those functions that are carrying out individual family members towards him and each other. Maybe exactly from here and the impression of the existence of special children's world Games as an activity with its main content all sorts of compensation forms, followed by the tendency of the child to escape from this closed circle into the world of broad social relations.

The educational system of kindergarten includes the development of a wide range of child interests and forms of operations. These are the elementary forms of household work and self-service, and constructive activities with the inclusion of elementary labor skills, and a variety of forms of productive activity - drawing, modeling, etc., and classes to familiarize themselves with the families of nature and the families of nature and various forms of aesthetic activity - singing, rhythm, dancing, and elementary forms of educational activities for mastering reading, letter, beginnings of mathematics, and finally role-playing game.

There is still a tendency to universalize the meaning of the game for mental development, it is also attributed to a wide variety of functions, both purely educational and educational, so it becomes necessary to more accurately determine the influence of the game of child development and find its place in the general system of educational work of institutions for Preschool children. Of course, all the types of activities that exist in the organized system of public education are not separated by the wall and between them there are close connections. Some of them are probably mutually overlapping each other in their influence on mental development. Nevertheless, it is necessary to more accurately determine the directions of the mental development and the formation of the personality of the child, who, by the benefit, are developing in the game and cannot develop or experience limited impact in other activities.

The study of the value of the game for mental development and personality formation is very difficult. There is no clear experiment here because it is impossible to remove game activities from the life of children and see how the development process will go. It cannot be done for considerations of a purely pedagogical nature and in fact, since there, due to the imperfection of the organization of the life of children in preschool institutions, they will not have time for an independent role-playing game, they play at home, compensating for these shortcomings of living in kindergarten. These individual, home games have a limited value and cannot replace the collective game. At home, often the only comrade for the game is a doll, and the circle of relationships that can be recreated with the help of doll are relatively limited. It is quite another thing - role-playing game in the group of children with the inexhaustible possibilities of recreating the most different relations and connections in which people enter into real life.

At the specified reasons, the experimental study of the role of the role-playing game is difficult. Therefore, it is necessary to use, on the one hand, a purely theoretical analysis and, on the other hand, comparing the behavior of children in the game with their behavior in other activities.

Before proceeding to the presentation of materials, giving the opportunity to imagine the meaning of the game for mental development, we point out one restriction that we soldered from the very beginning. We will not consider the purely didactic value of the game, i.e. the values \u200b\u200bof the game to acquire new ideas or the formation of new skills and skills. From our point of view, a purely didactic value of the game is very limited. You can, of course, and this is often done, use the game and in purely didactic purposes, but then, as our observations show, its specific features are departed to the background.

You can, for example, organize the game to the store in order to teach children to enjoy weights. For this purpose, real scales and weights are introduced into the game, there is any bulk material and children alternately, performing the functions of sellers and buyers, learn to measure and weigh those or other items. In such games, children, of course, can learn and weigh, and measure, and count, and even consider money and passing. Observations show that at the same time actions with scales and other measures, account operations, etc. are becoming in the center of children's activities, etc., but the relationship between people in the process of "purchase and sale" is moved to the background. Here, it is rare to meet the careful attitude of the sellers for buyers and the polite attitude of buyers to the sellers. But the content of the role-playing game is in this.

This does not mean that we deny the possibility of such use of the game. Not by all, but we will not consider this use of the game. The role-playing game is not exercising at all. A child, playing the activity of the driver, doctor, sailor, captain, seller, does not acquire any skills. It does not teach the use of a real syringe, nor the management of a real car, nor the preparation of real food, nor weighing goods.

The value of the role-playing game for development is still clearly not enough. Our proposed understanding of its role should be considered only a preliminary sketch, and by no means a final decision.

1. Game and development of the motivational and consumer sphere

The main, although until recently and not evaluated enough, is the importance of the game for the development of the motivational and needs sphere of the child. L. S. Vygotsky was undoubtedly right when the problem of motives and needs was put forward to the fore, as a central to understand the very role of the role-playing game. Indicates the contradiction between the new desires and the trend towards their immediate implementation, which cannot be implemented, he only put the problem, but did not solve it. It is natural, since at that time there were still no actual materials that give the opportunity to solve. And now this question can only be solved presumably.

A. N. Leontyev (1965 b) in one of the earliest publications devoted to the further development of the game theory, put forward by L. S. Vygotsky, proposed a hypothetical solution to this issue. According to A. N. Leontiev, the essence of the case is that the "subject world, aware of the child, is increasingly expanding for him. This world includes not only objects that make up the closest environment of the child, the items that the child itself can act and acts, but these are also the objects of adults with which the child is not yet able to actually act, which are still physically unavailable for him .

Thus, the basis of the transformation of the game during the transition from the period of predoschool to preschool childhood is the expansion of the circle of human items, the mastery of which comes in front of it as a task and the world of which is aware of them during its further mental development "(1965 B, p. 470).

"For a child at this stage of his mental development, A. N. Leontyev continues," there is no distinguished theoretical activity, distracted contemplation, and therefore the awareness acts first of all in the form of action. A child who is mastering the world around him is a child seeking to act in this world.

Therefore, a child in the course of the development of awareness of the objective world seeks to enter into an effective attitude not only to the things directly affordable to him, but also to a wider world, that is, seeks to act as an adult "(ibid., P. 471). In the latter position, the essence of the question is expressed. However, it seems to us that the mechanism of the emergence of these new desires is described by A. N. Leontyev not quite accurately. He sees a contradiction, leading to a role-playing game, in a collision of the classic "I myself" of a child with an equally classic "impossible" adult. The child is not enough to contemplate the riding car, it is not even enough to sit in this car, he needs to act, manage, spend the car.

"In the activities of the child, that is, in its actual inner form, this contradiction acts as a contradiction between the rapid development of the child's need for action with objects, on the one hand, and the development of these operations that carry out these actions (i.e. the methods of action) - with another. The child wants to drive the car itself, he himself wants to row on a boat, but he cannot accomplish this action, and can not fulfill him first because he does not own and cannot master those operations that are required by real subject conditions of this action "( ibid, p. 472).

In the light of the facts set forth in research by F. I. Frakdina and L. S. Slavina, for which we already referred, the process goes somewhat differently. The extension of the circle of objects with which the child wants to act independently is secondary. It is based on, expressing metaphorically, the "opening" by the child of the new world, the world of adults with their activities, their functions, their relationships. This world was overshadled for a child with subject actions with which he met under the guidance and with the help of an adult, but not noticing adults.

The child in early childhood is absorbed by the subject and methods of action with it, its functional value. But here he mastered somehow, let him still be very elementary, and can produce them alone. At this moment, the child's gap from an adult and the child notices that he acts as an adult. The child was actually actually acted as an adult, but did not notice it. He looked at an adult, like through the glass. In this, as we have seen, adults themselves help him, indicating the child that it acts, "like someone." Affect is transferred from the subject to a person who stood before it. Thanks to this, the adult and its actions begin to speak in front of the child as a sample.

Objectively, this means that the adult advocates the child primarily from its functions. The child wants to act as an adult, he is all in power of this desire. It is under the influence of this very general desire, first with the help of the adult tip (educator, parents), he begins to act, as if he is an adult. This affect is so strong that a small hint is enough - and the child is happily turning, of course, purely emotionally, in an adult. It is the tension of this affect that the children of adults are making ease with what ease. Experienced L. S. Slavina This was shown with sufficient persuasive. These adult prompts seem to indicate the exit for intense affect. Therefore, they should not be afraid, they go towards the dominant affect that owns the child, to act independently and act as adults. (Note that in cases where this desire does not find such a way out, it can acquire completely different forms - whims, conflicts, etc.)

The main paradox during the transition from the subject to the role-playing is that directly in the subject | Enlightening children at the time of this transition of a significant change may not occur. The child had and remained all the same toys - dolls, automobiles, cubes, bowls, etc. Moreover, and in the actions themselves in the first stages of the development of the role-playing game nothing significantly changes. The baby washed with a doll, fed her, laid sleep. Now he has been doing the same actions from the outside and with the same doll. What happened? All these items and actions with them are now included in new system Relationship of the child to reality, in new affective attractive activities. Thanks to this, they objectively acquired a new meaning. Turning a child to the mother, and dolls in the child leads to turning bathing, feeding, cooking in care of the child. In these actions, the attitude of the mother to the child is now expressed - her love and caress, and maybe, on the contrary; It depends on the specific living conditions of the child, the specific relationships that surround it.

A child on the border of the transition from the subject to the role-playing game still does not know either public relations of adults, nor public functions of adults, nor public meaning of their activities. He acts in the direction of his desire, objectively puts himself in the adult position, while there is an emotional and effective orientation in the relations of adults and the meanings of their activities. Here, intelligence follows an emotionally effective experience.

The generalization and abbreviation of gaming actions is a symptom that such a selection of human relations occurs and that this allocated meaning is emotionally experienced. Due to this, it happens at first a purely emotional understanding of the functions of an adult as exercising significant for other people and, consequently, an activity causing a certain attitude on their part.

Another feature of the role-playing game should be added to this, which is not evaluated enough. After all, the child, how emotionally, would be part of the role of an adult, still feels like a child. He looks at himself through the role he took on, that is, through an adult person, emotionally compares himself with adults and discovers that he is not yet an adult. The consciousness is that he is still a child occurs through the game, and hence the new motive arises - to become an adult and actually carry out its functions.

L. I. Bozovic (1951) showed that by the end of the preschool age the child arises new motives. These motives acquire a specific form of desire to go to school and begin to exercise serious socially significant and socially estimated activities. For a child, this is the path to adulthood.

The game acts as an activity that has the nearest attitude towards the needs of the child. It occurs in it the primary emotional-effective orientation in the senses of human activity, there is a consciousness of its limited place in the system of adult relations and the need to be adult. The trends that pointed out a number of authors as a game underlying the emergence of the game are in fact the result of development in preschool age, and the role-playing game has a particular importance.

The value of the game is not limited to the fact that the child has new activities on their content and associated tasks. It is essential that the game has a new psychological form of motives. It can be hypothetically imagine that it is in the game that the transition from motives that have the form of aware of the actative affectively painted immediate desires, to motives having the form of generalized intentions on the verge of consciousness.

Of course, other activities affect the formation of these new needs, but in no other activity there is no such emotionally filled entry into the life of adults, such an effective allocation of social functions and the meaning of human activity as in the game. This is the first and basic meaning of the role-playing game for the development of the child.

2. Game and overcoming "Cognitive Egocentrism"

J. Piaget, who devoted to the study of the child's thinking a large number of experimental studies, characterizes the basic quality of thinking of children of preschool age, on whom everyone else, as "cognitive egocentrism" depend. By this feature, Piaget understands the lack of respecting its point of view from other possible, and from here and its actual domination. The problem of "cognitive egocentrism", the possibility of its overcoming and the transition of thinking to a higher level of development is devoted to quite a lot of various studies.

The transition process from the level of thinking, characteristic of the preschool period of development, is very complex to higher forms. It seems to us that the discharge of an adult as a sample of action that occurs on the border of the early and; pre-school development periods, already contains the possibilities of such a transition. The role-playing game leads to a change in the position of the child - with its individual and specific children - to the new position of the adult. The role of the child and the associated change in the values \u200b\u200bof things involved in the game itself is a continuous shift of one position to another.

We suggested that the game is such an activity in which the main processes related to overcoming "cognitive egocentrism" occur. An experimental verification of this assumption was conducted by V. A. Nedo-Spassova (1972) in a special study, which was carrying the character of the experimental formation of "decentration" in children.

In one of his early works, J. Piaget (1932) drew attention to the bright manifestation of egocentrism while solving the tasks of the problem of three brothers. The essence of such a decision is that, correctly indicating how many brothers, the child cannot specify how many brothers from his brothers, that is, to stand on the point of view of one of his brothers. So, if in the family two brothers, then the question: "How many brothers do you have?" "The child answers correctly:" I have one brother, Kolya. " On the question: "How many brothers Kolya" - he answers: "Kolya has no brothers."

Subsequently, this main symptom of egocentrism, i.e., dominance in thinking of a child of their immediate position and the impossibility of becoming another position and recognize the existence of other points of view, was received by J. Piaget and its employees in solving a wide variety of tasks that were spatial relations and Relations between individual parties of various phenomena.

In preliminary experiments, conducted by V. A. Nedospair, in which the task of three brothers was offered not in relation to his family, but in relation to someone else's or its conditional family, the egocentric position or did not manifest itself, or was manifested in a much lesser extent. This was the basis for the assumption that if you form a child's attitude towards my family as "someone else's", that is, to form a new position in a child, you can remove all the symptoms of "cognitive egocentrism."

The experiment was carried out according to the classic scheme of experimental genetic formation. Children (5, 6, 7 years old) were selected, in whom, when solving the task of three brothers and a series of other tasks, offered by J. Piaget employees, as well as specially designed lack of space, "Cognitive egocentrism" was bright. These children have the formation of a new position, which we called conditionally dynamic.

Pre-children acquainted with relations inside the family. For this, the child was made by three dolls, portraying brothers, and two dolls depicting parents. During the conversation with the child, relations were established: Parents, Son, Brother. After children relatively easily focused in related relations inside this doll family, the parents left, only brothers or sisters remained, and the formation process began through two phases. In the first phase of the experiment, the child with the help of the experimenter identified himself with any of the brothers (sisters), called himself the name of the doll, assumed its role, the role of one of the brothers, and reasoned with this new position.

For example, if a child in this situation became a king, he had to determine who he had brothers, pointing to other dolls and calling their names, and then call his name, that is, to establish its position. The child consistently identified himself with all the dolls and determined who in each of these situations becomes his brothers, and then - who he becomes if his brothers are these dolls.

The whole experiment was conducted on the dolls, the child saw the whole situation in front of him and at the same time expressed his opinion on each situation. Then the experiment was carried out on the conventional graphic notation of the brothers. The brothers were denoted by colored circles, and the children, taking the role of a brother, welt their brothers, at the same time calling their names. So the child passed, in a purely conventional plan, consistently in the position of all brothers. Finally the same actions were made in a purely verbal plan. The transition from the action on dolls to action on graphic notation and finally happened in a purely verbal plan after the child freely performed actions in a specified way.

Control measurements carried out after this phase of formation have shown that the final overcoming of "cognitive egocentrism" does not occur. Only y, some children were obtained higher levels of solving control objectives. Analysis of the results of this test experiment allowed to identify the phenomenon that we called a "consistent center". Taking conditionally every time a new position, a new role with which a child considers the situation, he still continues to silence although each time new, but only obvious relationships for him. However, these positions exist as non-interconnected, not intersecting and non-coordinated with each other. Children. They are connected by the position that they in each case occupy, not suggesting the simultaneous presence of points of view of other persons and other aspects of the object under consideration or situation. Children do not notice that, having occupied another position, they themselves in the eyes of other participants (in our experiment - other dolls) became different, i.e. perceived otherwise. Being a king, the child sees that he became brother for Andrei and Viti, but he does not see the fact that he became brother of other persons as Andrei, that is, not only he had new brothers, but he himself became his brother Persons.

Having established the presence of a "consistent center", V. A. Nedospaasov passed to the second phase of the experiment. The situation was restored. Before the child, three dolls were put again. The child identified himself with one of them, but now he had to call not his brothers, and the brothers someone from those with whom he did not identify himself. For example, on the table in front of a child three dolls - Sasha, Kostya and Vanya. Child say: "You are Vanya, but do not tell me who your brothers. I know it. Do you tell me who Sasha's brothers? Dye? Whose brothers are you Sasha? And you and Kostya? " The formation was carried out with dolls, then in graphical terms and, finally, in a purely verbal. The formation ended when a child without a support, i.e., in a purely verbal plan, produced all the reasoning, occupying a conditional position, but arguing from the point of view of another person. Let us give an example: experiment with shafts (5; 3). Ex .: Let our sisters be in our task. Which for example? Let's call one zina, another Nadi, the Third Anne. If you are Zina, then what sisters will be Ani? Valya: Ani then I will be and Nadia. Exp.: Then what sisters will be Nadi? Valya: When I Zina, Nadi I and Anya. Ex.: And if you are Nadya?

Valya: Then Ani I, Nadia and Zina. Zina I and Anya. After completion of the formation in a purely verbal plan, all children proposed control tasks that included the task of three brothers; The task of "three mountains" and the task of "beads" (both applications by employees of Piaget); The task of determining the right and left side and several tasks invented by V. A. Nedospair, in which the phenomenon of the "center" performed very brightly. In all age groups, all these tasks without any help from the experimenter were solved in 80-100% of cases, and with little help - all children. Such O6 is, in the conditions of this additional game, it was possible to overcome the phenomenon of "cognitive egocentrism".

Of course, in real reality everything is much more complicated. Experimental and genetic research is only a model of valid processes. What is the basis of thinking that the experiment conducted is the model of processes occurring in the role-playing game, and that it is the role-playing game that there is the activity in which the mechanism of "decentration" is formed.

First of all, we indicate that this experiment is a model not any role-playing game, but only one in which there is at least one partner, that is, a collective game. In such a game, the child who has assumed a certain role, acting from this new position, is forced to take into account the role of his partner.

The child appears now to his companion not as in an ordinary life, for example, as Kolya to Wan, but in accordance with that new position, which is determined by the role of them. It may even be that in real life between two children there is a relationship of antagonism, but as partners in the game they are replaced by concerns and cooperation relations. Each partners now act in relation to each other with a new conditional position. It must coordinate his actions with the partner's role, although he himself is not in this role.

In addition, all items that are involved in the game and which certain values \u200b\u200bare attached from the point of view of one role should be perceived by all participants in the game in these values, although they really do not act with them. For example, in a repeatedly described playing a doctor, there are two partners - the doctor and the patient. The doctor should coordinate its actions with the role of the patient, and vice versa. This also applies to subjects. Imagine that the doctor in the hands of a stick depicting the syringe. She is for a doctor's syringe because it actually acts with it. But for the patient, the wand is a wand. She can become a syringe for him only if he becomes a point of view -Over, without taking at the same time his role. Thus, the game acts as a real practice does not | Only change of position when taking roles, but also as J practitioning relationships to the game on the game in terms of that 1rol, which partner performs, not only as real; Practice of action with objects in accordance with the values \u200b\u200bgiven to them, but also as the practice of coordinating points of view on the meanings of these items without directly manipulating them. This is everybody that the "decentration" process is every. The game acts as the cooperated activities of children. J. Piaget has long indicated the value of cooperation for the formation of operator structures. However, he, first, did not notice the fact that the cooperation of the child with adults begins very early, and, secondly, it believed that this cooperation occurs only by the end of the preschool age along with the emergence of games with the rules that, according to J. Piaget requires general recognition of permissible conditions. In fact, such a peculiar cooperation arises together with the emergence of the role-playing game and is its necessary condition.

We have already indicated that J. Piaget was interested in the game only due to the occurrence of a symbolic function. He was interested in an individual symbol, through which the child adapts, according to the thought of Piaget, the world alien to him to his individual egocentric thought. Indeed, in an individual playing in which the child at best has a doll as a partner, there is no tough need to change the position or in coordinating its point of view with points of view of other participants in the game. Maybe, . that at the same time the game not only does not fulfill the function of "moral and cognitive decentration", but, on the contrary, fixes even more personal, the only point of view of the child on. C objects and relationships, fixes the egocentric position. Such a game can really take away the child from the real world into a closed world of his individual desires, limited by the framework of narrow-seamy relations.

In an experimental study, V. A. Nedospassova, the game appeared before us as an activity in which the cognitive and emotional "decentration" of the child. In this we see the most important meaning of the game for intellectual development. It is not only that individual intelligent operations develop or re-form in the game, and in the fact that the position of the child is fundamentally changed in relation to the world and is formed by the most mechanism for the possible change of position and coordinating its point of view with other possible points of view. It is this change that opens the opportunity and the way for the transition of thinking on new level and the formation of new intellectual operations.

3. Game and Development of Menss Action

In Soviet psychology, studies of the formation of mental actions and concepts have gained wide development. We are obliged to develop this most important problem. First of all, research P. Ya. Galperin and its employees. P. Ya. Halperin (1959) As a result of numerous experimental studies, which invoked the experimental and genetic formation of mental actions and concepts, the main stages were established through which the formation of any new mental action and the concept associated with it was established. If we exclude the preliminary orientation step in the task, then the formation of mental actions and concepts with predetermined properties naturally passes the following steps: stage of formation of action on material objects or their material models-deputies; stage of formation of the same action in terms of loud speech; Finally, the stage of formation of a mental activity itself (in some cases, intermediate stages are observed, for example, the formation of action in terms of expanded speech, but to themselves, etc.). These stages may be called the stages of the functional development of mental actions.

One of the most unresolved so far, but at the same time the problem of the ratio of functional and ontogenetic, age development is the problem. It is impossible to imagine the process of ontogenetic development without functional, if you take, of course, the main for us the thesis is that the mental development of the child cannot occur differently than in the form of assimction of the generalized experience of preceding generations fixed in the methods of actions with objects in the subjects of culture, in science Although development is not reduced to assimilation.

It is true possible to pure hypothetically, to imagine the functional development of any new mental action as a compressed repetition of the stages of the ontogenetic development of thinking and at the same time as the formation of the zone of its nearest development. If the stages of the development of thinking (practically effective, visual-shaped, verbal-logical) and compared with the stages established with the functional formation are made in Soviet psychology, then such an assumption has some reasons. Considering the actions of the child in the game, it is easy to see that the child is already acting with the values \u200b\u200bof the objects, but also rests on their material substituents - toys. An analysis of the development of actions in the game shows that the support on the substituents and actions with them are increasingly reduced. If the initial stages of development requires a substituent and relatively detailed effect with it (the stage of materialized action, according to P. Ya. Halperin), then at the later stages of the development of the game, the subject protrudes | through the word-name already as a sign of things, and actions - As abbreviated and generalized gestures, accompanied by speech. Thus, gaming actions are intermediate, acquiring the gradually the nature of mental actions with the values \u200b\u200bof the objects committed in terms of loud speech and still barely relying on the external effect, but acquired the character of a generalized gesture-instruction. It is interesting to note that the words pronounced by the child along the game are already a generalized character. For example, when preparing for dinner, the child comes to the wall, makes one or two movements with his hands - washes them - and says: "Washed", and then, in the same way, having made a number of food movements, bringing a wand-spoon to the mouth, says: "Here And lunch. " This path of development to actions in the mind cut off from objects with values \u200b\u200bis at the same time the emergence of prerequisites for the formation of imagination.

In the light of these considerations, the game acts as such activities in which the formation of prerequisites for the transition of mental actions to a new, higher stage - mental actions with a support for speech. The functional development of gaming actions is poured into ontogenetic development, creating the zone of the nearest development of mental actions. Maybe this model of the ratio of functional and ontogenetic development, which we observe so clearly in the game, is the general model of the ratio of functional and ontogenetic development. This is a subject of special research.

In connection with the discussion on the role of the game in the intellectual development of the child, J. Bruner's views are of great interest. In the already mentioned article (J. Bruner, 1972), he very highly assesses the importance of the manipulative games of the highest monkeys for the development of intellectual activity of these animals and even believes that such games contain prerequisites for the subsequent use of the guns. We have already expressed our point of view on such manipulative games when analyzing the views of Boitenjka.

In one of the subsequent works, J. Brunner (J. Bruner, 1975) experimentally shows the role of preliminary manipulations with material (elements of guns) for the subsequent solution of intellectual tasks. Children of preschool age were offered the usual task of practical intelligence of the type of keler tasks. One group of children before solving the problem watched as an adult connects stick sticks; Other exercised in independent attachment of the bracket to one of the sticks; The third watched as adults solve the problem of the whole; The fourth was given the opportunity to play with materials outside the problem of problem (freely manipulated with the material); The fifth group did not see Matera at all until the task is to solve. It turned out that the game group (the fourth) fulfilled the task as well as the one in which the children watched the entire process of solving the task of adults, and much better than children who came to the rest of the groups.

Based on these very interesting experiences, J. Brunner highly appreciates the meaning of the game for intellectual development, since during the game there may be such combinations of material and such an orientation in its properties that can lead to the subsequent use of this material as a tool when solving problems.

It seems to us that in these experiments they are not talking about the game, but rather, about the free, not related solution to any particular task experimenting with material, a kind of free constructive activity in which the orientation in the properties of the material is fully happening, since it is not related Using this material to solve some particular task. In Brison's experiments, there was not a game, but special activities that Etologists are called research.

The game, as it seems to us, develops more general mechanisms of intellectual activity.

4. game and development of arbitrary behavior

During the study, the game found that every role-playing game contains a hidden rule and that the development of role-playing games is coming from games with a detailed game situation and hidden rules to games with open rule and hidden roles. We will not repeat all the facts obtained in the relevant studies and already given by us. The situation of L. S. Vygotsky was fulfilled that in the game "the child is crying, as a patient, and rejoices as playing" and that in the game every minute the child's refusal from fleeting desires is in favor of doing roles taken.

All the above facts with sufficient persuasive testify that there is a significant restructuring of the child's behavior in the game - it becomes arbitrary. We will understand arbitrary behavior by arbitrary behavior in accordance with the sample (regardless of whether it is given in the form of the actions of another person or in the form of the rules already distinguished) and controlled by comparison with this sample as a reference.

A. V. Zaporozhets first drew attention to the fact that the nature of the movements performed by the child in the conditions of the game and in the face of a direct task, differ significantly. A. V. Zaporozhets found that the structure and organization of movements are changing during the development. They are clearly replaced by the phase of preparation and phase of execution. "Higher forms of the structure of movements first arise in the early genetic stages only when solving problems, which, thanks to their external decoration, thanks to the visibility and evidence of the requirements they prevent the child, organize its behavior in a certain way. However, in the process of further development, these higher forms of movement of the movement, which previously needed favorable conditions, subsequently acquire a well-known sustainability, become a common manner of the child's motor behavior and manifest themselves in the conditions of a wide variety of tasks, even in cases where there is no There is external circumstances, they are favoring "(1948, p. 139).

A. V. Zaporozhets leads important results of the study T. O. Ginevskaya, which specially studied the meaning of the game to organize movements. It turned out that both the efficiency of the movement and its organization substantially depend on the structural place the movement in the implementation of the role that the child performs. Thus, in a dramatized game in the athlete, the relative effectiveness of the jump was not only increased, but the nature of the movement changed itself - the preparatory phase, or a phase of a kind of start, was significantly terrified. "Qualitative difference in motor behavior in two compared series of experiments - writes A. V. Zaporozhets," he consisted, in particular, in the situation of a dramatized game, most children moved to a more complex organization of movement with a clearly dedicated preparatory and executive phase, T .. gave higher results than in the game "High-hunters" "(ibid., p. 161).

Concluding its research, A. V. Zaporozhets writes: "The game is the first form available for the preschooler, which involves conscious reproduction and improving new movements.

In this regard, the motor development committed by the preschooler in the game is a real prologue to conscious! physical exercises of schoolchildren "(ibid., p. 166).

3. V. Manuilelenko (1948) conducted a special experimental study of the development of arbitrary behavior. The object of research was the ability of a child of preschool age to arbitrarily preserve the position of immobility. The criterion was the time during which children could save such a posture. Of all the experimental series conducted for us, the comparison of the results of the two episodes is of interest - when performing the role of watch in a collective game and with a direct task, stand still in the presence of the entire group. The results obtained very eloquently showed that in all age groups, the duration of preservation of immobility posture in the situation of the role exceeds the preservation of the same posture in the right task. Especially great is the advantage of children 4-6 years old, and it falls somewhat by the end of preschool age.

What is the matter? What is the psychological mechanism of this kind of "magic" role? Undoubtedly, the motivation of activity is of great importance. The role of the role, being emotionally attractive, has a stimulating effect on the implementation of actions in which the role is incarnation. An indication of the motives is, however, insufficient. It is necessary to find the psychological mechanism through which the motives can have this impact. The answer to this question helps to find a series of experiments, additionally spent 3. V. Manuilelenko. These series were that when performing the role of the hour in some cases, there was a playing group, and in others the execution of this role was outlined outside the game room and the child performed its role in the situation of loneliness. It turned out that in the presence of a station's posture group was carried out longer and more strictly than in a situation of loneliness. When performing a role in the presence of a group, children sometimes indicated the child - the performer role to the need for a certain behavior. The presence of children as it would increase control over their behavior and by the performer itself.

There is reason to believe that when performing the role of a sample of behavior contained in the role, it becomes simultaneously the standard, with which the child itself compares his behavior, controls it. A child in the game performs at the same time as two functions; On the one hand, he fulfills its role, and on the other, it controls his behavior. Arbitrary behavior is characterized not only by the presence of the sample, but also the presence of control over the implementation of this sample. Role behavior in the game, as it turns out from the analysis, is difficult organized. It has a sample, protruding, on the one hand, as orienting behavior and, on the other hand, as a standard for control; It has an action determined by the sample; It has a comparison with the sample, i.e. control. Thus, when the role is performed, there is a kind of split, i.e. reflection. Of course, this is not yet conscious control. The whole game is in the power of an attractive thought and painted with an affective attitude, but it contains all the main components of arbitrary behavior. The control function is still very weak and often requires support from the situation, from the participants of the game. In this weakness of this born function, but the value of the game is that this function is born here. That is why the game can be considered a school of arbitrary behavior,

Since the content of the roles, as we have already installed, mainly concentrated around the norms of relationships between people, i.e., its main content is the norms of behavior that exist among adults, then in the game the child is going to go to the developed world of higher forms of human activity , in the developed world of rules of human relationship. The norms underlying human relationships become through the game source of the morality of the child himself. In this regard, the value of the game can hardly be overvalued. The game is a moral school, but not morality in the presentation, but morality in action.

The game matters and for the formation of a friendly children's team, and for the formation of independence, and to form a positive attitude towards work, and to correct some deviations in the behavior of individual children, and more for many other things. All these educational effects are based on their base on the influence that the game has a child's mental development, on the formation of his personality.

The sides of the mental development that we were allocated and for which the decisive influence of the game was shown are the most significant, since their development prepares the transition to a new, higher level of mental development, the transition to a new period of development.

Memory of my daughters Natasha and Gali and their moms Nemanova Ts. P., tragically died during the Great Patriotic War

From the author

Biography of research

Interest in the psychology of the children's game has emerged at me at the very beginning of the 1930s in the course of observations on the game of daughters and in connection with the reading of lectures on children's psychology. The records of these observations were lost during the war in a blocked Leningrad, and only some episodes remained in memory. Here are two of them.

In one of the weekends I had to stay with the girls at home alone. Both girls were preschoolcars and visited kindergarten. Conduct a day off together for us. We read, painted, fed, Shalily. It was fun and noisy until the second breakfast was coming. I prepared a traditional and prettyly brave manna porridge. They flatly abandoned meals, did not want to sit at the table.

Not wanting to overshadow a good mood and resort to coercion, I suggested that the girls play kindergarten. They happily agreed. Wearing a white robe, I turned into a teacher, and they, putting the front, - in the pupils of the kindergarten. We began to perform in the game plan all that relies in kindergarten: they published; Then, thumping as if the films were walked, going twice around the room; revered. Finally came the time of food. One of the girls took on the functions of the duty and prepared the table to breakfast. I, "Educator," offered them to breakfast the same porridge. Without any protest, even expressing pleasure, they began to eat, tried to be neat, carefully screamed the plates and even asked yet. To all his behavior, they tried to show themselves with exemplary pupils, emphasizing attitudes towards me as an educator, unquesting unquestioning to each my word, referring to me officially officially. The relations of daughters to the Father turned into a relationship of pupils to the educathere, and the relationship of the sisters is in relations between pupils. Gaming actions were extremely abbreviated and generalized - the whole game continued about half an hour.

I remember a game of hide and seek. Girls hid, and I was looking for them. In the room where the game happened, stood a hanger on which the clothes hung. Hide behind her was a favorite place. I, of course, saw where they hid, but did not show it and went around the room for a long time, saying: "And where are my girls?" When I approached close to the place where the girls were hiding, I heard the "drama" played behind the hanger. The youngest rushed to rush to me, and the eldest pinked her mouth, whispered: "Sitty quiet!" And kept strength on the spot. Finally, the youngest, without holding the stress, broke down and rushed to me with the words: "Here I am!" The older came out dissatisfied and declared that he would not play any more with her, as she could not play. Such observations showed me that if for the eldest sense of the game was to fulfill the role of the role and related rules, then for the younger meaning of the game was to communicate with me.

Observations gave rise to assume that the main in the game of preschoolers is the role that the child takes over. In the course of the implementation of the role, the actions of the child and its attitude to reality are transformed. So the hypothesis was born that the imaginary situation in which the child takes on the role of other people and realizes typical for them actions and relationships in special play conditions, there is a major unit of the game. A significant moment of creating such a gaming situation is the transfer of values \u200b\u200bfrom one subject to another. This thought is not new. J. Selly wrote: "The essence of the children's game is to perform any role" and "here we meet with what amounts to, maybe the most interesting feature of a children's game, - with the transformation of the most insignificant and low-prominent things in real living beings "(1901, p. 47, 51).

Having become acquainted with the literature, I found that the game, firstly, is understood as a manifestation of already developed imagination and, secondly, naturalistically (see: K. Gros, V. Stern, K. Bücher, etc.). These glances seemed to me that did not correspond to the actual nature of the game. It seemed strange that the function of imagination, which is one of the most complex abilities, arises so early, and I thought that, maybe, on the contrary, the game and there is that activity in which the imagination first only occurs. It seemed to me also a difficult idea of \u200b\u200bthe game as an instinctive activity, the same and young animals and a child.

At the end of 1932, I outlined my assumptions in lecture to students and the report at the Department at the Leningrad Pedagogical Institute. A. I. Herzen. My views were pretty sharp criticism, and the only person who supported the basic provisions of the report was Lion Semenovich Vygotsky (who came in Leningrad to read the lectures and leadership by graduate students), with whom I worked then as his immediate assistant.

The problems of children's games were interested in L. S. Vygotsky in connection with his work on the psychology of art and research of the developing function.

At the very beginning of 1933, he read in the Leningrad Pedagogical Institute. A. I. Herzen A number of lectures on the psychology of children of preschool age, among them and a lecture on the game. With his characteristic lard and depth, L. S. Vygotsky turned this problem, presenting it as a central to understanding mental development in preschool age 1. Thoughts expressed by L. S. Vygotsky in this lecture were the basis of my further research on the psychology of the game.

Unfortunately, most of the materials obtained died during the blockade in Leningrad; Preserved used by me in the relevant chapters of the book.

After the death of L. S. Vygotsky (1934) I was very close to the research work of the group of its employees and students who conducted these studies under the leadership of A. N. Leontiev in Kharkov 5. In early 1936, I stated in this group at the Department of Psychology of the Kharkov Pedagogical Institute, the first experimental facts and theoretical views on the game, which were developed by the Leningrad Group of Psychologists under my general guidance. Among the psychologists entering this group, first of all, I want to call O. N. Warsaw, E. A. Gershenzon, T. E. Konnikov, F. I. Fradkin.

In April 1936, A. N. Leontyev wrote to me: "... Questions who stayed after your report are still alive, still remember, and though late, ask them to you for the future. You said: the condition for the development of the game is the emergence of unrealized trends. Is it so? I think it's not about it. Unrealized trends exist before, from the first hour of life, maybe. The fact is that due to the success speech Development There is a plan "ideal activity" (\u003d consciousness). And this means that the third opportunity appears in the previous alternative: it is implemented - it is not realized, namely, the tendency I can be implemented in perfect terms. Initially, this plan needs to be supported by the subject, the action (real), the situation. This gives a special nature of activity, which a little later will be able to stand out from the situation and adopt a new form - the shape of an autistic dreamhouse (Nicholyka at Tolstoy in the "childhood").

The second: it means that the most basic in the game is the "imaginary situation". It means that you need to explore the inner relation: the imaginary situation is mastering social relations. Maybe it will be possible to assume and show that social relations themselves build a plan perfect and when he arises, penetrate him into operations?

And the last one: it is impossible, of course, to solve the question of the driving forces that cause the game to life, without understanding the prehistory of it. And here, if you agree with the first, it is clear: the prehistory is the "game" up to 3 years. It also implements the tendency, but, and as any "non-Riper", only in the alternative + - -; So, in 3 years there is a new form of implementing these trends in the actual game, that is, the human game (in the game, which is possible only in the conditions of the human type of psyche \u003d consciousness). But this is the whole point. This is the main thing, perhaps that it is stuck in the head after your "game", which was filtered by time as a chain of questions. " The thoughts of A. N. Leontiev, firstly, the need to explore the internal relations between mastering social relations and the imaginary situation and, secondly, the importance of studying the prehistory of the game to understand its nature had a significant impact on further research.

From this time, i.e. since 1936, my scientific work is intertwined in closely ideologically with the work of A. N. Leontyev and its employees, the AU 1938 communicates and organizationally at the Department of Psychology of the Leningrad Pedagogical Institute. N. K. Krupskaya, who was led by A. N. Leontiev, and where we then worked together. In this relatively short period (1937-1941) in Kharkov G. D. Lukov, a very important experimental study was conducted "On awareness of the child's child during the game" (1937), and in Leningrad F. I. Fradkin - "Psychology of the game in early childhood. Genetic root game roots "(1946).

These are limited to pre-war research in the new direction. The first publication of all these studies belongs to A. N. Leontyev, who in the article "The Psychological Fundamentals of the Preschool Game" (1944) gave a compressed sketch of our approach to the problem and summarized the facts produced by this time. The Great Patriotic War interrupted our research. After the war, research on the problems of psychology of children's games resumes in Moscow, mainly at the Institute of Psychology.

Under the leadership of A. N. Leontyev and A. V. Zaporozhets, a number of important experimental studies of L. S. Slavina (1948), 3. V. Manuilelenko (1948), I. 3. Neverovich (1948), A. V. Cherkov (1949), 3. M. Boguslavskaya (1955), who promoted our understanding of the game. My participation in studies until 1953 was limited to reports and publications (1948, 1949), and only from 1953 I was able to return to experimental and theoretical work on this problem. My focus was focused, firstly, on the clarification of the historical origin of the children's game; secondly, on the disclosure of the social content of the game as a leading type of childhood of children of preschool age; Third, on the problem of symbolism and the ratio of the subject, words and action in the game; Finally, on general theoretical issues and critical consideration of existing game theories. We found it necessary to give this brief essay of our research on the psychology of the children's game to show that a large team of researchers participated in the development of this problem and creating a new psychological theory of children's game. Our direct participation is only connected with the most primary and most recent steps of this path. Of course, the development of the psychological theory of children's game, starting from the works of L. S. Vygotsky and until today, was held in an organic connection with research on general issues of psychology and the theory of the development of the child's psyche. Theoretical and experimental studies, primarily A. N. Leontiev, L. V. Zaporozhets and P. Ya. Halperin, became an organic part of research on the psychology of the game. Any new achievement in the general theory forced to revise our views on the game, produce new facts, to put forward new hypotheses.

A very important feature of research on the psychology of a children's game conducted by the psychologists-followers of L. S. Vygotsky was that they were not directed by a single will and one mind, from a single organizational center and were not deployed, therefore with a sufficient logical sequence at which step by step "White spots" would disappear in the unexplored area of \u200b\u200bthe children's game. And yet it was a collective work, united by the general theoretical principles, scheduled for L. S. Vygotsky, and each of them contributed to the further development of the problem. Of course, due to the well-known organizational fragmentation, not all issues were covered by theoretical and experimental studies, and many more "white spots" remain.

You can list the new ones in several positions, which made this collective work in the psychology of the children's game:

1) Development of a hypothesis about the historical emergence of the form of the game, which is typical for modern preschoolers, and theoretical evidence that the role-playing game is social in its origin and that is why in its maintenance;

2) disclosure of the conditions for the occurrence of this form of the game in ontogenesis and the proof that the game on the border of the preschool age does not occur spontaneously, but is formed under the influence of education;

3) allocating the main unit of the game, disclosure of the internal psychological structure of the game and tracking its development and decay;

4) Finding out that the game in preschool age is particularly sensitive to the sphere of human activity and intercellaneous relations, and the establishment that the main content of the game is a person - his activities and from wearing adults to each other, and because of this game there is a form of orientation form in tasks and the motives of human activity;

5) It has been established that the game technique - the transfer of values \u200b\u200bfrom one subject to another, abbreviation and generalization of game actions - is the most important condition for the penetration of the child in the sphere of social relations, their peculiar modeling in gaming activities;

6) allocation in the game of real relationships of children with each other, which is the practice of their collective action;

7) Fulfilling the functions of the game in the mental development of preschool children.

In this case, we had in mind, both new experimental facts and those theoretical generalizations and hypotheses that inevitably accompanied the study.

Well conscious of all the limitations of those steps that were taken in these studies on the psychology of children's game, as well as being engaged in recent years, solving other issues of child psychology, I have not decided on writing this book for a long time. Only the persistent demands of my comrades, primarily P. Ya. Galperin, A. V. Zaporozhtshets and A. N. Leontiev, forced me to take up this work.

There is no complete compliance between the logic of the study and logic of presentation of its results. The structure of this book does not reflect the history and logic of our research. It is built in the converse of the converse of the examination. The book begins the heads in which our understanding of the unfolded form of the game activity of children, its social essence and psychological nature is revealed - an understanding that developed in the course of studies and formed at the very end of work.

After our understanding of the game is clarified in general, our understanding of the game as a kind of activity of children, the subject of which is an adult - his activity and system of its relationship with other people, we found it necessary to give a historical and critical analysis of the main theories of the game. This is dedicated to the third head of the book. The main thing in this review is to show the failure of the naturalistic approach to the game that dominates the main foreign, theories, opposing the social and historical approach to the problem of the emergence and development of the human game, without which it is impossible to understand the psychological nature of the game. Critical analysis of the theories of the game was part of the organic part in our work on the psychology of the game. The need for such a historical and critical review was also dictated by the fact that in the literature there are no thorough reviews of the history of the development of views on the game and their analysis. Since the book is designed not only for specialists in the psychology of the game, but also for a wider range of readers, it was necessary to somewhat expand the presentation of various theories.

The first three chapters make up the first (conditionally it could be called theoretical part of the book.

The second part contains experimental materials in which the game appears during the individual development of the child (chapter fourth); The development of the main structural components of the gaming activity and the change in their relations during development (chapter five) and, finally, the value of the game for mental development (chapter six). These chapters use the materials of experimental studies conducted in the direction of ideas, nominated for more than forty years ago a prominent psychologist L. S. Vygotsky.

We are far from the idea that we managed to fully reveal the psychological nature of the game. We would like to contribute to this book in the development of the problems of the psychology of the game, the interest in which is increasingly growing. This book is not a textbook and not a tutorial. Therefore, we did not try to stick to too strict logic in the presentation. We allowed themselves to express individual hypotheses, assumptions, and even guesses, whose check is a matter of further work.

Moscow, January 1977

Chapter first

"The concept of" game "generally has some difference of different nations. So, in the ancient Greeks the word "game" meant the actions inherent in children, expressing mainly that we are now called "indulgent by the guys." Jews the word "game" corresponded to the concept of joke and laughter. Romans "Ludo" meant joy, fun. According to Sanskrit "Klya" meant the game, joy. In Germans, the ancient German's word "Spilan" meant a light, smooth movement, like swing pendulum, which delivered great pleasure. Subsequently, in all European languages, the word "game" began to designate an extensive circle of human actions, - on the one hand, not claiming hard work, on the other hand, the fun and pleasure delivering people. Thus, this comprehensive circle, respectively, modern concepts, began to enter everything, ranging from the children's game to the soldiers to the tragic reproduction of the heroes on the stage of the theater, from the children's playings to the stock exchange game on the Chervonians, from the Raughty on a rhodes to the highest art violinist etc." (1887, p. 1).

After 50 years, a prominent Dutch biologist and psychologist F. Boitendike (F. Buytendijk, 1933) also gives an etymological analysis of the word "game" and is trying to bring the characteristic signs of the processes denoted by this word. Among these signs, he finds the movement "there and here" (HinundherBewegung), spontaneity and freedom, joy and fun. Not satisfied with this, Boitendike offers researchers a phenomenon game to look at the use of this word by the children themselves, considering that the child is particularly well distinguished that there is a game, and that does not deserve this name.

Of course, no etymological studies can lead to an understanding of the signs of the game simply because the history of the change in the word consumption occurs according to special laws, among which the values \u200b\u200bare taken by a great place. It cannot lead to an understanding of the game and the analysis of the use of this word to children for the reason that they simply borrow it from the language of adults.

The word "game" is not a scientific concept in the strict sense of the word. Perhaps precisely because a number of researchers tried to find something in common between the most diverse and varying-quality acts denoted by the word "game", we do not have a satisfactory delimitation of these activities and a satisfactory explanation of different forms of the game.

This situation has led J. Collarrites (J. Kollarits, 1940) to the pessimistic conclusion that the exact definition and separation of the game in a wide range of human and animal activities is impossible, and all sorts of searching for such definitions should be qualified as " scientific games"(Jeuxscientifiques) of the authors themselves. Such a negative position in relation to the possibility of creating a common theory of the game, and therefore, the knowledge of its common nature was distributed to the children's game. This is expressed, in particular, in many American allowances for children's psychology, the problem of the psychology of the game is not covered at all. Even in the fundamental guidance on children's psychology, published by P. Müssen (ManualofChildpsichology, 1972), in which a summary of foreign studies in all sections of children's psychology are given, there is no generalization of research on a children's game and it is mentioned only four times only in several lines.

U. M. Gelasen was a summary of research on the game for the first half of our century 6. Summarizing the Biological and Psychological Theories of the Children's Game, it indicates that it is probably due to difficulties in achieving adequate and comprehensive definitions and even the description of the game, which is applied to all phenomena, which was recognized as such and due to the difficulty of the subsequent satisfactory development of the elect Theories most psychological books and experimental work were directed rather to empirical observations rather than theoretical work.

Some source data that can help understand the psychological entity of the game is contained in ethnographic materials about games. It is well known that the game as an element of culture was interested in ethnographers and philosophers who developed the problems of aesthetics.

The beginning of the development of the game theory is usually associated with the names of such thinkers of the XIX century, as F. Schiller, Spencer, V. Wundt. Developing its philosophical, psychological and mainly aesthetic views, they are passing, only in several positions concerned both the games as one of the most common phenomena of life, tying the origin of the game with the origin of art.

We give some of these statements.

F. Schiller in the letters about the aesthetic education of a person wrote: "True, nature Idarila and unreasonable creatures above their needs and sowed in the dark animal life of a glimpse of freedom. When Leo does not nibble hunger and the predator does not cause him to fight, then the unused strength itself makes his object: a mighty roar fills the lion a wake-up desert, and luxurious power enjoys aimlessly spending themselves. The insect flies, enjoying life, in a sunny beam, and, of course, in the melodic singing of the poultry, we do not hear the sounds of passion. Undoubtedly, in these movements we have freedom, but not freedom from the need for generally, but only from a certain, external need. The animal works when the lack of something is a prompt cause of his activity, and it plays when an excess of power is this reason when surplus the strength himself encourages activities "(1935, p. 287).

Here, in fact, the whole theory, which is usually abbreviated called the theory of excess forces. In fact, as it is clear from the above quote, such a name does not quite fit Schiller's views. For him, the game is rather pleasure associated with free from the external need for an excess of vitality: "The subject of encouraging to the game, submitted in the general scheme, can be called a living way, the concept that serves to designate all the aesthetic properties of the phenomenon, in one word, total The fact that in the vast sense of the word is called beauty "(ibid., p. 242).

For Schiller, the game has aesthetic activity. An excess of forces free from external needs is only a condition for the emergence of aesthetic pleasure, which, in Schiller, is delivered by the game.

The introduction of F. Schiller enjoyment as a constitutional feature, common to aesthetic activity and the game, has an impact on the further development of the problems of the game.

Spencer also pays to the game not too much space and is not specifically engaged in creating the game theory. His interest in the game, like Schiller, is defined by interest in the nature of aesthetic pleasure. However, the problem of excessive strength, which Schiller says, Spencer puts in a wider evolutionary biological context.

Spencer's views on the game in the following provisions: "Activities, called games, are connected to the aesthetic activities of one common feature by him, namely, that neither those nor others help any proceeds to work for life. "(1897, p. 413).

By setting the origin of the impulse to the game, Spencer develops its theory, which is usually also called an excess theory. He writes: "The lower birth of animals have the total all line to them that all their forces are spent on the execution of departures that are essential for life. They are continuously engaged in looking for food, running away from enemies, building shelters and harvesting beds and food for their offspring. But as we rise to the animals of the highest types, which have more effective (efficient) or successful and more numerous abilities, we begin to find that time and strength do not absorb them in full to satisfy immediate need. The best nutrition, a consequence of the organization's superiority, is sometimes an excess of power ... Thus, more highly developed animals it costs that the energy required here in any case is often in some excess of direct needs; And that it turns out to be frequently, then in that ability, then in another, a well-known unspent residue, which allows the recovery following the spending, to bring this ability to continue to rest in the state of high essentiality (Efficiency) or success. "(1897, p. 13 -fourteen). And further: "The game is exactly the same artificial exercise of the forces, which, as a result, the lack of natural exercises are becoming so ready for the discharge, which is looking for outcomed in fictional activities in place of the missing real activities" (ibid., P. 415).

For Spencer, the difference between the game and aesthetic activities is only that lower abilities find the expression in the game, while in aesthetic activity - higher.

All the above statements did not have the nature of the systematic presentation of the game theory. They laid only the tradition of considering the nature of the game in the context of the emergence of aesthetic activity.

The closer to understanding the occurrence of the game was approached by V. Wondt. However, he is inclined to consider the source of the game enjoyment. Thoughts expressed by V. Wundt are also fragmented. "The game is a child of labor," he wrote. - There is not a single game that would not have a prototype in one of the forms of serious work, always preceding her and in time and by the very creature. The need for existence forces man to work. And in it, he gradually learns to appreciate the activities of his forces as a source of pleasure. " "The game," WEDDT continues, "eliminates the useful goal of labor and, therefore, makes the goal of this very pleasant result accompanying the work" (1887, p.181).

V. Wondt also points to the possibility of separating the methods of action from the subject of labor and those specific subject and material conditions in which labor flows. These thoughts V. Wundt are of fundamental importance. If Spencer, considering the game, included a man in a biological aspect and the WUNDT includes it in the aspect of socio-historical.

The foundations of the materialistic understanding of the origin of art from labor, laid by K. Marx, were developed by G. V. Plekhanov. Criticizing the theory, according to which the art of older production of useful items, and the game of labor, G. V. Plekhanov in their "letters without the address" wrote:

"No, the gracious sovereign, I firmly convinced that we will not understand exactly nothing in the history of primitive art, if we do not penetrate the idea that the labor of older art and that generally a person first looks at items and phenomena in terms of utilitarian and only Subsequently, it becomes in its attitude to them on the aesthetic point of view "(1958, p.354).

These provisions are important for understanding the origin of not only art, but also games as activities with a common genetic basis. In the history of human society, the game can not appear before labor and before the forms let the most primitive art. The history of culture shows at what stage of its development art appears. However, as the transition from the forms of real labor activity in the form of art, and is still not entirely clear. Under what conditions could the need to reproduce hunting, war or any other serious activity? Two assumptions are possible here. We will demonstrate them on the example of playing the hunting process.

You can imagine, firstly, that the group of hunters returned after an unsuccessful hunting. This failure was caused by the inconsistency of collective action. There is a need for preliminary rehearsal, orientation in the conditions and organization of coming activities so that it is more successful. The possibilities of purely mental and schematic playback are still limited, and the participants of the future hunting in a visual and effective form recreate the situation and the organization of the upcoming hunt. Some of the hunters depict the smart and cunning beast with all his habits, and the rest are the whole process of organizing hunting. These are peculiar "maneuvers", in which the main functions of individual participants and the system of organizing joint actions are reconstructed. Such a recreation of the upcoming activity is devoid of a number of features inherent in a real hunting, and, above all, the operating and technical side of the actual process.

Another situation is possible. Hunters are returned with mining. They are happy to meet the tribesmen, and the hunters tell about how hunting passed, reproducing its entire move, who, what and how did, who manifested themselves. Story-dramatization ends with shared fun. With this reproduction, there is a peculiar distraction from the purely operating side of the process and the allocation of the general scheme of action, the general organization and the system of relations, which led to success.

From a psychological point of view, it is essential that in both of these situations there is a distinguished from a holistic real labor (utilitarian) activity of the part of its part, which can be called tentative, in contrast to the executive, directly related to obtaining I material results. In both cases, standing out from the holistic process of working activities, this part of it becomes the subject of reproduction, and then consecrated, acquiring the nature of magical rites. Such "magical rehearsals" turn into independent activities.

Separated, these special activities, binding to other forms of life, acquire independent logic of development and often such new forms that require special analysis to establish their actual origin.

Much attention to the description and analysis of these forms of activity wearing the nature of the games are given ethnographers. Thus, in the book "Games of the Peoples of the USSR", a large number of games that exit among the Russian and other peoples of Tsarist Russia were collected and described. All games are divided by authors into three groups: Dramatic games, ornamental games and sports games. Ornamental games are an intermediate group, and we will not concern them. Dramatic games are divided into Games manufacturing (hunting and fishing, cattle and poultry, agricultural) and household games (public and family), and sports games are simple and contests with a thing.

V. Vsevolodsky-Gerzross was introduced to this book on the basis of the analysis of the material placed in it, it comes to the conclusion about the existence of related links between the gaming phenomena of different types. So, he writes: "Take the first example of the example: let's say, the game in the catches. Let's start with the simplest catches, in which one catches the other. But here is a game next to the game in which the house has "house", where he can hide from persecution, or a game in which catching jumps on one leg or catches with hands tied on his back. Next - the same, but with the transformation of caught in girlfriend. Further, the catches in parties with the outlined two cities, the capture of prisoners, their release, etc. and, finally, the game in the war, in the center of which is very often the same cathors. Before us, undoubtedly, a number of related games; On the poles stand on one side, simple catches, on the other - the game "in the war, and in the middle - gradually complicated or, on the contrary, if you go from the war to catdits, a poppiered series" (1933, p. XVI).

"Summarizing everything said," the author continues, "as if it can be concluded that the sports and ornamental games are a product of the degenerate game of dramatic games, or the games dramatic are a product of sports and ornamental games. And from here, the following conclusion is already needed: all three types of phenomena for all the differences of the specifics can and should be attributed to the phenomena of one social practice, although with an undoubted agreement to the transition in the phenomenon of other public practice: in drama, sports and dance originating from phenomena Gaming and on the highest levels of culture of their replacement "(1933, p. XVII).

It seems to us that closest to the actual development of development is the path coming from the games of dramatic to sports games, and not vice versa. Repeating the infinite number of times in real collective activities, the rules of human relationship, leading to success, gradually stood out. They are playing outside the real utilitarian situation and constitutes the content of the sports game. But the same content has a role-playing game. And this is their relationship. The difference lies only that in the role-playing game these rules, the norms of relationships between people are more deployed and specifically.

Thus, we come to the conclusion that the human game is such an activity in which the social relations between people are reconstructed outside the conditions of direct utilitarian activities. Our preliminary and general definition is close, although not identically, the one that Vsevolodsky-Gerzross gave in the book mentioned already: "We call the game a variety of public practice, consisting in the effective reproduction of any life phenomenon in general or in terms of its real practical Installations: Social significance of the game in its early levels of human development role and the role of collectivizing "(ibid., p. XXIII).

In this definition, we introduce some clarifications. First, instead of the concept of "reproduction" it is better to use "recreation"; Secondly, not all recreation and recreation is not all life phenomenon is a game. A person's game is to recreate human activity, in which its social, actually the human essence is distinguished from it - its tasks and norms of relations between people.

With this consideration of the expanded form of the game, it is possible to understand its relationship with art, which has its content, too, the norms of human life and activity, but, in addition, its meaning and motives. Art, as we think, is that the special means of artistic form interpret these parties to human life and activities and tell people about them, make them survive these problems, accept or reject the understanding of the meaning of life offered by the artist.

It is these relationships of the game and the art that the gradual displacement of the detailed forms of gaming activities from the life of adult members of the Society is a variety of art forms. V. Vsevolodsky-Gerzross writes: "Training, the educational importance of dramatic games is clearly only on the most infant steps of human development. They cannot compete with an ideologically saturated drama and, in the presence of the theater, inevitably die out. "(1933, p. Xxvii). Similar to the opinion of this author, and the fate of sports games: "At the well-known cultural level, the educational significance of sports games is enormous, and only with the transition to the highest steps of culture, these games are degenerate, are schematized, rationalized and access to sports" (ibid., P. XLIX ).

On the basis of ethnographic data, we come to the conclusion that there are no adults in the modern society of adults, it was supplied and replaced, on the one hand, various forms of art, and on the other - sport.

The game in the unfolded role-playing game continues to live in childhood, representing one of the main forms of the life of a modern child. And here we cannot agree with the thought of V. Vsevolodsky-Gerzross that "in higher cultures in which pedagogy as such as a special type of social practice, a person - be an adult or a child - gets the skills necessary for him to further With the help of school studies much more rational, in the shortest possible time and highly. Pedagogical, the didactic value of the game drops "(1933, p. XVIII).

If really the narrowdactic function of the game and decreases, it does not mean drops its meaning to form a child's personality, especially at an early age, before the child's admission to school. Rather, on the contrary: as children of younger age are increasingly removed from the activities jointly with adults, the importance of expanded role-playing games for the development of children increases.